Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg Has Died

I always very much respected her and her work, even if I disagreed with her; and I know many among our readers have as well. Our own David Post clerked for her (both on the D.C. Circuit and on the Supreme Court), so I wanted to publicly pass along my condolences to him, and to the many other professors and lawyers who knew her personally.

I’m sure there will be lots of speculation about how her death may affect the Court, the election, and more. And it is hardly news to me that there are those who disagreed with her views on various topics so sharply that they might have little good to say about her (or for that matter those who are so concerned about President Trump appointing her replacement that that issue is the one thing on their minds). But for this post, and, I hope, for its comments, I thought it would be good to take a moment to focus on our appreciation of the woman—a titan of our profession—and a recognition of her remarkable life.

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Ruth Bader Ginsburg Is Dead

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Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has died, the Supreme Court announced on Friday night.

Ginsburg, who was 87 years old and had battled cancer on and off since 1999, died surrounded by her family at her home in Washington, D.C., the Court said in a statement. Ginsburg served on the Court for more than 27 years after her 1993 appointment by President Bill Clinton. At the time, she was only the second woman in U.S. history to be named to the country’s highest court.

“Our nation has lost a jurist of historic stature,” Chief Justice John Roberts said in a statement.

Ginsburg rose to prominence during the women’s rights movement of the 1970s while working as an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). She was appointed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia by President Jimmy Carter in 1980.

During her time on the Supreme Court, Ginsburg was known as a liberal firebrand and a feminist icon—and even, in the final years of her life, a meme.

Her death leaves a vacancy on the nine-judge bench less than two months before a presidential election, and seems almost certain to set off a major political fight. President Donald Trump has already appointed two justices to the Supreme Court during his first term—Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh—and may now have the opportunity to appoint a third if the Republican-controlled Senate agrees to move the nomination quickly.

Just days before Ginsburg’s death, NPR reports that the justice told her granddaughter that “my most fervent wish is that I will not be replaced until a new president is installed.”

When Justice Antonin Scalia died in the summer of 2016, however, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R–Ky.) infamously refused to consider the confirmation of a replacement until after that fall’s presidential election. All eyes will now be upon McConnell to see how he handles this new vacancy.

Initial reports indicate that Trump may name a nominee in the near future, but Republicans would need significant support in the Senate for a confirmation to occur. Already, that seems unlikely—and that’s probably for the best.

It is perhaps poetic that Ginsburg and Scalia are linked in that way, through their deaths, since they were also close friends in life despite holding deeply diverging views about politics and the law. At a time when America is deeply in need of a reminder that political disagreements need not transcend basic civility or mutual respect, their example should remain.

For more about Ginsburg’s career and legacy, read Reason‘s Damon Root on “The Case of the Notorious RBG.”

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Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg Has Died

I always very much respected her and her work, even if I disagreed with her; and I know many among our readers have as well. Our own David Post clerked for her (both on the D.C. Circuit and on the Supreme Court), so I wanted to publicly pass along my condolences to him, and to the many other professors and lawyers who knew her personally.

I’m sure there will be lots of speculation about how her death may affect the Court, the election, and more. And it is hardly news to me that there are those who disagreed with her views on various topics so sharply that they might have little good to say about her (or for that matter those who are so concerned about President Trump appointing her replacement that that issue is the one thing on their minds). But for this post, and, I hope, for its comments, I thought it would be good to take a moment to focus on our appreciation of the woman—a titan of our profession—and a recognition of her remarkable life.

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Petition to “Impose Further Disciplinary Actions” on University Students for TikTok Singalong

Robert Shibley (FIRE) writes at InstaPundit:

THIS WOULD LITERALLY BE ILLEGAL: A petition demands that (the public) Florida International University “impose further disciplinary actions for use of racial slurs” on “three non-black FIU softball players using the n-word.” (They were singing along with a rap song [Lil Donald’s “Do Better” -EV].)  More than 750 signatures as of now. Maybe every single signer doesn’t know that this would be illegal. More likely, though, this is just cancel culture feeling its oats—who needs law when you have power? Plus a bonus implication that your rights are determined by your skin color.

For more, see this article (PantherNOW (Jordan Coll)); I think the school’s assigning the students a “social justice” for their video is likewise unconstitutional. For a court case on this general subject (holding that a public university couldn’t constitutionally punish a fraternity for putting on a blackface skit), see Iota Xi Chapter v. George Mason Univ. (4th Cir. 1993).

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Petition to “Impose Further Disciplinary Actions” on University Students for TikTok Singalong

Robert Shibley (FIRE) writes at InstaPundit:

THIS WOULD LITERALLY BE ILLEGAL: A petition demands that (the public) Florida International University “impose further disciplinary actions for use of racial slurs” on “three non-black FIU softball players using the n-word.” (They were singing along with a rap song [Lil Donald’s “Do Better” -EV].)  More than 750 signatures as of now. Maybe every single signer doesn’t know that this would be illegal. More likely, though, this is just cancel culture feeling its oats—who needs law when you have power? Plus a bonus implication that your rights are determined by your skin color.

For more, see this article (PantherNOW (Jordan Coll)); I think the school’s assigning the students a “social justice” for their video is likewise unconstitutional. For a court case on this general subject (holding that a public university couldn’t constitutionally punish a fraternity for putting on a blackface skit), see Iota Xi Chapter v. George Mason Univ. (4th Cir. 1993).

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Are ‘Pandemic Pods’ Racist?: A Soho Forum Debate

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“The latest in school segregation.” That’s how the headline of a recent New York Times op-ed described private “pandemic pods,” in which parents of K–12 students hire an in-person teacher while public schools remain online-only due to COVID-19 lockdowns. The pandemic pods, says the writer, “will exacerbate inequities, racial segregation and the opportunity gap within schools.”

Business Insider had a somewhat different take, claiming the pods are “inequitable and inevitable” and “a dream come true for the school choice movement.”

Are pandemic pods just the latest tool by which nice white parents use their financial and political clout to separate out their kids, thus increasing segregation in education? And if so, is the solution to increase government spending on K–12 schools so that all parents will want to keep their kids in the public system?

That was the subject of an online Soho Forum debate held on Wednesday, September 16, 2020. The Soho Forum is a monthly series sponsored by Reason. The debates are done Oxford-style, which means the audience votes on the resolution at both the beginning and end of the event; the side that gains the most ground is victorious. 

Arguing for more government spending was Jon Hale, a professor of education at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Arguing in favor of pods and other parental innovations was Corey DeAngelis, director of school choice at the Reason Foundation, the nonprofit that publishes this website. Soho Forum Director Gene Epstein moderated the debate.

Photo credit: Photo 156402271 © Pojoslaw | Dreamstime.com

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Are ‘Pandemic Pods’ Racist?: A Soho Forum Debate

dreamstime_xxl_156402271_169.jpg

“The latest in school segregation.” That’s how the headline of a recent New York Times op-ed described private “pandemic pods,” in which parents of K–12 students hire an in-person teacher while public schools remain online-only due to COVID-19 lockdowns. The pandemic pods, says the writer, “will exacerbate inequities, racial segregation and the opportunity gap within schools.”

Business Insider had a somewhat different take, claiming the pods are “inequitable and inevitable” and “a dream come true for the school choice movement.”

Are pandemic pods just the latest tool by which nice white parents use their financial and political clout to separate out their kids, thus increasing segregation in education? And if so, is the solution to increase government spending on K–12 schools so that all parents will want to keep their kids in the public system?

That was the subject of an online Soho Forum debate held on Wednesday, September 16, 2020. The Soho Forum is a monthly series sponsored by Reason. The debates are done Oxford-style, which means the audience votes on the resolution at both the beginning and end of the event; the side that gains the most ground is victorious. 

Arguing for more government spending was Jon Hale, a professor of education at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Arguing in favor of pods and other parental innovations was Corey DeAngelis, director of school choice at the Reason Foundation, the nonprofit that publishes this website. Soho Forum Director Gene Epstein moderated the debate.

Photo credit: Photo 156402271 © Pojoslaw | Dreamstime.com

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Pennsylvania Lockdown Lawsuit Victory May Cure a Plague of Pandemic Restrictions

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A federal judge’s ruling that Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Wolf’s pandemic lockdown orders are unconstitutional offers hope not just to the beleaguered residents of that state, but to all Americans suffering under similar impositions. With public health-inspired restrictions weighing on civil liberties and the ability to make a living, pending lawsuits in many states may offer the best chance for restoring personal freedom and dragging the country out of its economic doldrums.

“The Constitution cannot accept the concept of a ‘new normal’ where the basic liberties of the people can be subordinated to open-ended emergency-mitigation measures,” wrote U.S. District Judge William S. Stickman IV in his September 14 decision, in a case brought by a coalition of cities, counties and businesses. “Rather, the Constitution sets certain lines that may not be crossed, even in an emergency. Actions taken by Defendants crossed those lines. It is the duty of the Court to declare those actions unconstitutional.”

In particular, Stickman found that limits on gatherings run afoul of First Amendment protections for assembly rights, stay-at-home orders violate the substantive due process guarantees of the Fourteenth Amendment, and arbitrary business closures violate the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.

“The fact is that the lockdowns imposed across the United States in early 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic are unprecedented in the history of our Commonwealth and our Country,” the judge added. “They have never been used in response to any other disease in our history.”

“There’s no sense debating a ruling that will be appealed,” Pennsylvania Governor Tom responded in a statement that pleads necessity while entirely side-stepping constitutional issues. “But what’s not up for debate is that our early and decisive action saved lives.”

Except that not just the constitutionality but the effectiveness of lockdowns is up for debate.

“Lockdowns, despite the huge costs they entailed, have not had any obvious payoff in terms of fewer COVID-19 deaths,” Reason‘s Jacob Sullum noted this week after reviewing international examples and recent research. “It would not be the first time that people have exaggerated the potency of government action while ignoring everything else.”

Like the cost to our freedom, the economic toll of the lockdowns is beyond dispute.

“In the wake of COVID-19 cases increasing and local restrictions continuing to change in many states we’re seeing both permanent and temporary closures rise across the nation, with 60% of those closed businesses not reopening (97,966 permanently closed),” the review site Yelp revealed in its latest Local Economic Impact Report. Restaurants, bars, and nightlife venues considered “non-essential” and widely subject to the toughest restrictions are especially hard-hit.

“The ongoing public health crisis will continue to weigh on economic activity, employment, and inflation in the near term, and poses considerable risks to the economic outlook over the medium term,” the Federal Reserve noted September 16.

The next day, the Department of Labor reported 860,000 initial unemployment claims for the week ending September 12. While that’s much improved from the record numbers reached during the early days of pandemic fears and lockdowns, it’s still brutal. “There were 173,134 initial claims in the comparable week in 2019,” the department revealed.

Undoubtedly, some businesses would have folded and jobs would have been lost anyway in the absence of mandatory closures, as people chose to stay at home and minimize their risk of exposure. But it’s unlikely that the economic damage of voluntary actions would have been as wide-reaching or as lingering as it has been from government orders enforced by administrative penalties, fines, and arrests. And, while the specifics of lockdown orders have varied from place to place, many U.S. states have imposed such penalties to enforce restrictions that Judge Stickman points out are “unprecedented.”

“The actions taken by the administration were mirrored by governors across the country and saved, and continue to save lives in the absence of federal action,” insists Wolf’s spokesperson, Lyndsay Kensinger.

Also mirrored across the country are lawsuits against those lockdowns.

Last week, Michigan’s Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a lawsuit over the constitutionality of Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s notoriously intrusive and arbitrary lockdown orders. The Mackinac Center Legal Foundation argues that Whitmer “unconstitutionally gave herself unprecedented unilateral power to extend her own state of emergency, a move that was harmful to Michiganders across the state.”

Other state officials face similar lawsuits of their own. And while some of the worst restrictions have since been lifted, that was the case in Pennsylvania, too. Judge Stickman moved forward with his decision anyway because relief was at the whim of the governor and “citizens remain subject to the re-imposition of the most severe provisions at any time.”

Still, some lockdown orders have survived challenges in federal and state courts. It remains to be seen whether the courts will continue down the path of deference to boundless claims of government authority in times of crisis, or will adopt Judge Stickman’s argument that “the Constitution sets certain lines that may not be crossed, even in an emergency.”

The stakes are high with COVID-19 threatening to become a long-term addition to human life and some public health types insisting that pandemic restrictions should also be a semi-permanent fixture.

“It is completely understandable that many are tiring of restrictions due to Covid-19. Unfortunately, their resolve is weakening right when we need it to harden,” Aaron E. Carroll, a professor of pediatrics at Indiana University School of Medicine, wrote September 15 in The New York Times. “It is much more likely that life in 2021, especially in the first half of the year, will need to look much like life does now,” he added.

So, keep your eyes on the courts. Depending on which way they jump, we’ll either find ourselves living in a world of liberties protected by constitutional lines that government can’t cross, or one of open-ended emergency powers extended at the pleasure of political officials.

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Pennsylvania Lockdown Lawsuit Victory May Cure a Plague of Pandemic Restrictions

zumaglobalten112395

A federal judge’s ruling that Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Wolf’s pandemic lockdown orders are unconstitutional offers hope not just to the beleaguered residents of that state, but to all Americans suffering under similar impositions. With public health-inspired restrictions weighing on civil liberties and the ability to make a living, pending lawsuits in many states may offer the best chance for restoring personal freedom and dragging the country out of its economic doldrums.

“The Constitution cannot accept the concept of a ‘new normal’ where the basic liberties of the people can be subordinated to open-ended emergency-mitigation measures,” wrote U.S. District Judge William S. Stickman IV in his September 14 decision, in a case brought by a coalition of cities, counties and businesses. “Rather, the Constitution sets certain lines that may not be crossed, even in an emergency. Actions taken by Defendants crossed those lines. It is the duty of the Court to declare those actions unconstitutional.”

In particular, Stickman found that limits on gatherings run afoul of First Amendment protections for assembly rights, stay-at-home orders violate the substantive due process guarantees of the Fourteenth Amendment, and arbitrary business closures violate the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.

“The fact is that the lockdowns imposed across the United States in early 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic are unprecedented in the history of our Commonwealth and our Country,” the judge added. “They have never been used in response to any other disease in our history.”

“There’s no sense debating a ruling that will be appealed,” Pennsylvania Governor Tom responded in a statement that pleads necessity while entirely side-stepping constitutional issues. “But what’s not up for debate is that our early and decisive action saved lives.”

Except that not just the constitutionality but the effectiveness of lockdowns is up for debate.

“Lockdowns, despite the huge costs they entailed, have not had any obvious payoff in terms of fewer COVID-19 deaths,” Reason‘s Jacob Sullum noted this week after reviewing international examples and recent research. “It would not be the first time that people have exaggerated the potency of government action while ignoring everything else.”

Like the cost to our freedom, the economic toll of the lockdowns is beyond dispute.

“In the wake of COVID-19 cases increasing and local restrictions continuing to change in many states we’re seeing both permanent and temporary closures rise across the nation, with 60% of those closed businesses not reopening (97,966 permanently closed),” the review site Yelp revealed in its latest Local Economic Impact Report. Restaurants, bars, and nightlife venues considered “non-essential” and widely subject to the toughest restrictions are especially hard-hit.

“The ongoing public health crisis will continue to weigh on economic activity, employment, and inflation in the near term, and poses considerable risks to the economic outlook over the medium term,” the Federal Reserve noted September 16.

The next day, the Department of Labor reported 860,000 initial unemployment claims for the week ending September 12. While that’s much improved from the record numbers reached during the early days of pandemic fears and lockdowns, it’s still brutal. “There were 173,134 initial claims in the comparable week in 2019,” the department revealed.

Undoubtedly, some businesses would have folded and jobs would have been lost anyway in the absence of mandatory closures, as people chose to stay at home and minimize their risk of exposure. But it’s unlikely that the economic damage of voluntary actions would have been as wide-reaching or as lingering as it has been from government orders enforced by administrative penalties, fines, and arrests. And, while the specifics of lockdown orders have varied from place to place, many U.S. states have imposed such penalties to enforce restrictions that Judge Stickman points out are “unprecedented.”

“The actions taken by the administration were mirrored by governors across the country and saved, and continue to save lives in the absence of federal action,” insists Wolf’s spokesperson, Lyndsay Kensinger.

Also mirrored across the country are lawsuits against those lockdowns.

Last week, Michigan’s Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a lawsuit over the constitutionality of Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s notoriously intrusive and arbitrary lockdown orders. The Mackinac Center Legal Foundation argues that Whitmer “unconstitutionally gave herself unprecedented unilateral power to extend her own state of emergency, a move that was harmful to Michiganders across the state.”

Other state officials face similar lawsuits of their own. And while some of the worst restrictions have since been lifted, that was the case in Pennsylvania, too. Judge Stickman moved forward with his decision anyway because relief was at the whim of the governor and “citizens remain subject to the re-imposition of the most severe provisions at any time.”

Still, some lockdown orders have survived challenges in federal and state courts. It remains to be seen whether the courts will continue down the path of deference to boundless claims of government authority in times of crisis, or will adopt Judge Stickman’s argument that “the Constitution sets certain lines that may not be crossed, even in an emergency.”

The stakes are high with COVID-19 threatening to become a long-term addition to human life and some public health types insisting that pandemic restrictions should also be a semi-permanent fixture.

“It is completely understandable that many are tiring of restrictions due to Covid-19. Unfortunately, their resolve is weakening right when we need it to harden,” Aaron E. Carroll, a professor of pediatrics at Indiana University School of Medicine, wrote September 15 in The New York Times. “It is much more likely that life in 2021, especially in the first half of the year, will need to look much like life does now,” he added.

So, keep your eyes on the courts. Depending on which way they jump, we’ll either find ourselves living in a world of liberties protected by constitutional lines that government can’t cross, or one of open-ended emergency powers extended at the pleasure of political officials.

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Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions

Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature from the Institute for Justice.

Over at The Washington Post (paywall), IJ’s first-ever client, African-style hair braider Pamela Ferrell, is profiled at length about a different chapter in her life. “I never want to feel what that officer — whose face was so full of hate — felt. Then [hatred] gets your soul. I won’t give it that.”

New on the Short Circuit podcast: Special guest Molly Brady of Harvard Law tells an untold story of how NIMBYs tried to turn neighbors into nuisances, and when they failed turned to zoning instead.

  • The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 requires all “vessel[s] arriving in the United States” to maintain (and publicly disclose) a manifest recording information about the just-completed voyage and the cargo. Data-aggregating companies file FOIA suit against the federal government, contending that the Act gives them a right to access airplane manifests too. Second Circuit: The statute is a mess (“an amalgamation of language from incompatible statutes”), but it applies to waterborne vessels only, not aircraft. No word on whether it applies to seaplanes. Or airships.
  • Two Pittsburgh brothers are stopped on the street by a police lieutenant who suspects (incorrectly) that they are carrying synthetic marijuana. Five other police officers soon join the lieutenant. Finger-pointing altercation ensues, and the police slam one brother into a wall and tase the other. Third Circuit (over dissent): No qualified immunity for the body-slamming officer, though the lieutenant is off the hook for failing to prevent the body slam.
  • United States Park Police officer stops truck driver on the George Washington Memorial Parkway, where commercial vehicles require permits. He smells marijuana, finds marijuana, and arrests the driver. Fourth Circuit: Yet he had no lawful reason to stop the driver. Merely suspecting that he might not have had a permit is not grounds for a traffic stop. Suppress the evidence.
  • After federal agents seize a man’s truck, he waits over two years for a hearing before a judge. Does due process require a more prompt post-seizure hearing? Fifth Circuit: The Constitution requires no such hearing; and the Second Circuit’s contrary holding (in an opinion written by then-Judge Sotomayor) should be limited to the specific statute at issue in that case. (This is an IJ case. We will be filing a cert petition.)
  • After unruly, possibly armed man declines to raise his hands with sufficient alacrity, Fort Worth, Tex. officer employs a “distractionary strike” to gain compliance, allegedly breaking the man’s nose. Fifth Circuit: A reasonable jury might review the bodycam footage and think that was excessive force.
  • Dearborn, Mich. officer: I shot the man because he was standing over me, trying to get my gun, and I realized the gun was loose in its holster.  The man’s estate: That makes no sense. There was nothing wrong with the safety mechanisms on the officer’s double-lock holster, and the bullet trajectories indicate the victim was lying on the ground when he was shot. Sixth Circuit: All of which presents a fact question for the jury. No qualified immunity.
  • In May, the Sixth Circuit stayed a district court order directing Ohio to (among other things) dispense with the ink signature and witness requirements for ballot initiative petitions. Sixth Circuit (September 2020): We still think the district court was wrong, so its preliminary injunction is reversed (and marijuana decrim is rather less likely to appear on some local ballots). Also, a soft circuit-split: the Sixth Circuit breaks with the Eleventh in electing to spell Anderson v. Celebrezze correctly. Which is unsurprising since respondent Anthony J. Celebrezze Jr. was the son of Anthony J. Celebrezze Sr., a Sixth Circuit judge from 1965 to 1998.
  • District Court: “I disagree with the Sixth Circuit. . . . Maybe the Sixth Circuit will reverse me again, but I can’t impose a sentence on [the defendant] that . . . does not make sense to me.” Sixth Circuit: Vacated and remanded for reassignment to a different judge.
  • It is clearly established that a government employee cannot grope an inmate. It is clearly established that a government employee cannot grope a fellow government employee. But what about just groping ordinary folks? That calls for qualified immunity, says two-thirds of this Ninth Circuit panel. (It’s clearly established now, though.)
  • It is clearly established that if an inmate’s health significantly deteriorates after the inmate is seen by jail medical staff, guards must summon medical staff anew. So, says the Sixth Circuit, Macomb County, Mich. guards who allegedly watched a man (who was in jail for being unable to pay a $772 court fine) lie naked and convulsing on the floor of his cell for two days before his death are not entitled to qualified immunity.
  • District Court: The database systems ICE uses to determine whether individuals who have recently been arrested by local authorities are subject to deportation are not reliable enough to create probably cause. Ninth Circuit (over a dissent): Reversed. The district court needs to reconsider whether reliability issues with some of the databases necessarily mean the whole system is unreliable. Separately, it was error to hold that detainees are not entitled to a post-detainer review by a neutral magistrate on whether there is probable cause to deport them.
  • In 1990, Congress created a program to temporarily allow foreigners to live here if they couldn’t safely return to their home countries because of natural disasters, armed conflicts, or other calamities. In 2017 and 2018, the Dep’t of Homeland Security closed the program to citizens of Sudan, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Haiti. Ninth Circuit (over a dissent): Which is something Congress gave DHS broad discretion to do. Moreover, there is no evidence the policy change was driven by the president’s alleged racial animus. The district court’s nationwide preliminary injunction is vacated.
  • Woman alleges that Pontotoc County, Okla. jailer demanded she go to the control tower where he had sex with her while she cried, fearing she would face additional charges if she resisted. Jailer: It was consensual. Regardless, it’s not clearly established that sex with an inmate is inherently coercive. Tenth Circuit: No qualified immunity. (He was also convicted of rape, though the Tenth Circuit did not rely on that in reaching its decision here.)
  • It is clearly established that police can’t plant evidence on people, says the Eleventh Circuit. So a Meriwether County, Ga. officer who says she did not plant pot at the plaintiff’s home can tell it to the jury. No qualified immunity.
  • Allegation: Albany, Ga. officer invokes nonexistent eyewitness, gets innocent man charged with felony murder. The man spends several months in jail, but the charges are dismissed when he agrees to testify against the remaining co-defendants. District court: Which doesn’t count as the charges being resolved in his favor, so he can’t sue the officer for malicious prosecution. Eleventh Circuit: Not necessarily. The case can go on.
  • And in en banc news, the Ninth Circuit will not reconsider its earlier holding that the First Amendment does not protect the right of a labor union to encourage neutral employees to strike for the purpose of furthering the union’s labor negotiations. Six judges dissent, pointing out that this would seem to conflict with everything the modern Supreme Court has said about the First Amendment. And by an 8–7 vote, the Sixth Circuit will not rehear an earlier panel decision about the appropriate application of harmless-error review in a federal habeas case brought by a prisoner who was partially shackled during trial.

Friends, in 1873, the Supreme Court ruled that the “right to use the navigable waters of the United States” is possessed by all Americans and protected by the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the 14th Amendment. But that right—and the constitutional clause that protects it—have largely been ignored ever since. This week, IJ asked the Supreme Court to change that. For decades, Jim and Cliff Courtney have tried to provide boat transportation across 55-mile-long Lake Chelan in Washington state, but state officials have stymied them at every turn through a protectionist licensing law. Click here to read the cert petition. And click here for a lovingly crafted podcast episode about the case.

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