Predictive Test Scores and Diploma Privilege

The International Baccalaureate program, which credentials high-school students who take college-level classes, canceled exams this year because of COVID-19. But that did not stop the program from granting exam grades. Exam grades were given based on a predictive algorithm. According to Wired, “The system used signals including a student’s grades on assignments and grades from past grads at their school to predict what they would have scored had the pandemic not prevented in-person tests.”

Unsurprisingly, this is controversial. And without the precise formula or algorithm that the program used to calculate grades, it is difficult to assess. But the core idea makes a lot of sense: Measure students with a system of decentralized grades, then normalize the grades from different schools or teachers based on how predictive those grades have been of some other performance measure. At least, this seems like a reasonable approach if it is impossible to give the test and we still need to distinguish students. Use the best information available, including historical data.

Indeed, it would be an improvement over current practice if U.S. News and World Report normalized students’ grades in this way. How would this work? In effect, a predicted LSAT score would be calculated based on one’s GPA, given the GPA distribution and LSAT distribution at one’s undergraduate school. So, if one received a 75th percentile GPA, that would be translated into a 75th percentile LSAT score for the same school. With enough data, the prediction might be based on GPA across majors, to account for tougher grading in some departments than others. A student would receive an actual LSAT score too, but this approach would make comparisons of GPAs across schools much more meaningful.

Law schools already have access to this information. Admissions offices receive data from the Credential Assembly Service, including the distribution of grades and of LSAT scores at an applicant’s undergraduate school. Whether or not they make explicit computations, law school admission officers have a sense of differences in quality across undergraduate schools and of differences in grade inflation. But because U.S. News asks law schools to report undergraduate GPA, rather than a normalized measure that would be modestly more difficult to calculate, many law schools place considerable weight on the unnormalized result. And because U.S. News cares only about median GPAs and LSAT scores, a law school can improve its standing with a splitter strategy, including sometimes accepting a student with a high GPA from a low-ranked school with grade inflation, even if that student has a very low LSAT score.

Predictive grading–that is, a system of decentralized grading normalized based on overall performance of students on a standardized test–ought to be welcomed by those who are skeptical that standardized test scores are a good measure of individual talent. True, with such a scheme, standardized test scores are still used as the normalization measure. Thus, if a school teaches to the test and artificially increases its standardized test scores at the expense of more important learning, it will benefit. But schools already have an incentive to teach to the test, and this approach reduces the incentive of students to study to the test. One might rationally combine a switch to predictive grading with reduced emphasis on the standardized test as a criterion for assessing each individual. Grades provide a metric of how students perform on a daily and weekly basis. The only reason we need standardized tests is that grades aren’t standardized, but we can standardize (normalize) grades based on aggregate standardized test performance.

Where possible, it might be preferable to normalize based on some other measure, such as law school grades. Each law school might administer a statistical model to predict, based on a student’s undergraduate grades and school, what the student’s expected law school GPA would be, given the past performance of students from that undergraduate program at that law school. In principle, law schools could coordinate by sharing their models, so that one would be able to predict a student’s law school performance at every participating law school based on the student’s undergraduate performance. This would have the side benefit of making grades across different law schools easier to compare. My guess is that considering individual LSAT or GRE scores would still have some predictive value in such a world, but much less relative value than would be the case today, where the undergraduate GPA measure is not normalized.

If such a system can be used to normalize high school grades and college grades, such a system could also be used for law school grades to determine whether students can be admitted to the bar. There has recently been a push for diploma privilege. The justification is the COVID-19 pandemic, and there is a powerful argument that this is not a good time for standardized testing. But if one accepts the claim that the bar exam helps to protect clients from poorly qualified lawyers, diploma privilege is difficult to countenance. Why should lawyers’ welfare be placed above clients’?

There are longstanding arguments that the bar exam is just a tool of the lawyer cartel for reducing entry into the profession. Diploma privilege can be seen as a step toward ending or reducing the significance of the bar exam. But those who take the cartel argument seriously should also be skeptical of requirements that students attend three years of law school. Will a client be safer hiring a lawyer with two years of law school from the top of the class or a lawyer with three years of law school from the bottom of the class? Unsurprisingly, law school deans advocating diploma privilege have not also been suggesting that we relax requirements for legal education. No one seems to be making the argument that because the third year of law school will be an inferior online product this year, we might as well let students skip it.

A compromise on diploma privilege would be to use a predictive grading approach. Bar examiners could create a simple, school-specific model forecasting bar exam performance as a function of law-school grades. Then, they might decide that any student who is predicted more likely than not to pass the exam receives grade-based diploma privilege. Or bar examiners might choose other thresholds. If one is particularly concerned about false positives (students admitted to the bar who would not have passed the exam), the examiners might demand a higher percentage, and if examiners are particularly concerned about false negatives (students whose grades predict failure but who would have passed the exam), one might demand a lower percentage. The core point is that states should use the information available to them, at least if it is infeasible to generate information in the form of a bar exam.

One could also imagine such a system having some role in the future. Even if all students take the bar exam, one could imagine a system in which qualification for the bar depends on both the bar exam score and one’s law school grades, normalized based on the bar exam scores of the entire population of students from the law school. This approach is responsive to those who believe that law school grades earned over three years are a better measure of ability than a short exam, while providing a means for comparing grades across schools and still giving students an incentive to take the exam seriously.

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Telemedicine Abortion Gets Green Light From Federal Court

dreamstime_m_182691191

Judge frees abortion pill from doctor visits (for now). A federal court ruled Monday that women seeking abortion pills during the COVID-19 pandemic should not have to visit a doctor in order to obtain them.

Under current rules set by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), non-surgical abortion— i.e., the kind that’s induced by pharmaceuticals, not physicians—still requires patients to visit a hospital, doctor’s office, or medical clinic to be prescribed the abortion drugs, even though a patient will go through the process at home.

“A medical or medication abortion uses two drugs to terminate a pregnancy,” explains a new report, “Prescription Denied: Accessing the Abortion Pill,” from Newsy. The first of these pills, mifepristone, “blocks a hormone to induce the abortion. The second drug, misoprostol, completes it by expelling the pregnancy. But mifepristone, which for medication abortion goes by the brand name Mifeprex, is among the most restricted drugs in the U.S. which makes it challenging to get. … the Food and Drug Administration imposes tighter restrictions on Mifeprex than on opioids such as fentanyl.”

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), the National Women’s Health Network (NWHN), and other groups have been pushing the FDA to revise its rules so that abortion patients can see doctors via telemedical appointments and then receive their pills in the mail.

“If the laws and regulations that determine the terms of abortion access in the United States were based on science—not politics—medication abortion would be widely available in the United States without medically unnecessary restrictions on distribution,” states an open letter signed by a range of physicians and health and advocacy groups.

On Monday, U.S. District Judge Theodore Chuang seemed to be in agreement with these advocates and doctors, writing in his decision that “in-person requirements” for abortion pills present a “substantial obstacle” to patients and are likely unconstitutional.

The judge issued a preliminary injunction blocking enforcement of the FDA’s rules on mifepristone for abortions until at least 30 days after the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services declares an end to our current public health emergency.

“We look forward to a day when federal reproductive health care policy is grounded in science, not animus, and this medically baseless requirement is lifted once and for all,” said Julia Kaye, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union’s (ACLU) Reproductive Freedom Project, in a statement.

The lawsuit challenging the FDA’s rules on abortion drugs was filed by the ACLU on behalf of the AGOC and other groups. (“In addition to the case decided today, the ACLU has another case challenging a broader range of FDA restrictions on medication abortion care that was filed prior to the COVID-19 pandemic,” the organization noted in a press release yesterday. “More information on that challenge can be found here.”)

The Monday ruling “represents a victory for patients, who should not have to face the additional burden of increased COVID-19 exposure as a condition of receiving their prescribed mifepristone,” said ACOG President Eva Chalas in a statement. “It also represents a victory for the dedicated clinicians who are working to provide needed care without unnecessary exposure of patients, their families and the members of the healthcare team, to the novel coronavirus.”

You can read the full decision here.

“The states of Indiana, Louisiana, Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska and Oklahoma had asked to intervene in the lawsuit,” arguing “that the case could impact how they enforce their own state laws that relate to or reference the FDA’s regulation of mifepristone,” notes the Associated Press. But “Chuang rejected their request last month. The judge said the federal case would not eliminate any state’s ability to continue to regulate abortion medication ‘above and beyond’ the FDA’s requirements.”

In other abortion-related rulings released yesterday, a federal court has declared Georgia’s “heartbeat law” unconstitutional. The law, passed last year, banned abortion at the point that any fetal cardiac activity could be detected, which occurs just a few weeks into pregnancy.


FREE MINDS


FREE MARKETS

Read the rest of the thread here.


QUICK HITS

•  California is headed back toward lockdown. “Gov. Gavin Newsom ordered the closure Monday of all indoor operations at restaurants, bars, gyms, churches, malls, and other locations in 30 counties statewide,” reports CBSN Los Angeles.

• A judge sent a 15-year-old girl in Michigan to jail for not finishing her homework.

• A new television series based on the classic dystopian novel Brave New World debuts Wednesday.

• John Morgan, a top fundraiser for Joe Biden, told The Daily Beast that Sen. Kamala Harris’ “treacherous” attacks on Biden during Democratic presidential debates last summer disqualified her from becoming Biden’s running mate. “She didn’t stab him in the back—she stabbed him in the heart,” Morgan said.

• “The resumption of routine visa services will occur on a post-by-post basis” at U.S. embassies and consulates abroad, a State Department spokesperson told ABC News yesterday.

• “The pro-choice movement in America is almost inextricable from Planned Parenthood”—and that’s a problem, writes Jessa Crispin at The Guardian.

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via IFTTT

Telemedicine Abortion Gets Green Light From Federal Court

dreamstime_m_182691191

Judge frees abortion pill from doctor visits (for now). A federal court ruled Monday that women seeking abortion pills during the COVID-19 pandemic should not have to visit a doctor in order to obtain them.

Under current rules set by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), non-surgical abortion— i.e., the kind that’s induced by pharmaceuticals, not physicians—still requires patients to visit a hospital, doctor’s office, or medical clinic to be prescribed the abortion drugs, even though a patient will go through the process at home.

“A medical or medication abortion uses two drugs to terminate a pregnancy,” explains a new report, “Prescription Denied: Accessing the Abortion Pill,” from Newsy. The first of these pills, mifepristone, “blocks a hormone to induce the abortion. The second drug, misoprostol, completes it by expelling the pregnancy. But mifepristone, which for medication abortion goes by the brand name Mifeprex, is among the most restricted drugs in the U.S. which makes it challenging to get. … the Food and Drug Administration imposes tighter restrictions on Mifeprex than on opioids such as fentanyl.”

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), the National Women’s Health Network (NWHN), and other groups have been pushing the FDA to revise its rules so that abortion patients can see doctors via telemedical appointments and then receive their pills in the mail.

“If the laws and regulations that determine the terms of abortion access in the United States were based on science—not politics—medication abortion would be widely available in the United States without medically unnecessary restrictions on distribution,” states an open letter signed by a range of physicians and health and advocacy groups.

On Monday, U.S. District Judge Theodore Chuang seemed to be in agreement with these advocates and doctors, writing in his decision that “in-person requirements” for abortion pills present a “substantial obstacle” to patients and are likely unconstitutional.

The judge issued a preliminary injunction blocking enforcement of the FDA’s rules on mifepristone for abortions until at least 30 days after the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services declares an end to our current public health emergency.

“We look forward to a day when federal reproductive health care policy is grounded in science, not animus, and this medically baseless requirement is lifted once and for all,” said Julia Kaye, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union’s (ACLU) Reproductive Freedom Project, in a statement.

The lawsuit challenging the FDA’s rules on abortion drugs was filed by the ACLU on behalf of the AGOC and other groups. (“In addition to the case decided today, the ACLU has another case challenging a broader range of FDA restrictions on medication abortion care that was filed prior to the COVID-19 pandemic,” the organization noted in a press release yesterday. “More information on that challenge can be found here.”)

The Monday ruling “represents a victory for patients, who should not have to face the additional burden of increased COVID-19 exposure as a condition of receiving their prescribed mifepristone,” said ACOG President Eva Chalas in a statement. “It also represents a victory for the dedicated clinicians who are working to provide needed care without unnecessary exposure of patients, their families and the members of the healthcare team, to the novel coronavirus.”

You can read the full decision here.

“The states of Indiana, Louisiana, Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska and Oklahoma had asked to intervene in the lawsuit,” arguing “that the case could impact how they enforce their own state laws that relate to or reference the FDA’s regulation of mifepristone,” notes the Associated Press. But “Chuang rejected their request last month. The judge said the federal case would not eliminate any state’s ability to continue to regulate abortion medication ‘above and beyond’ the FDA’s requirements.”

In other abortion-related rulings released yesterday, a federal court has declared Georgia’s “heartbeat law” unconstitutional. The law, passed last year, banned abortion at the point that any fetal cardiac activity could be detected, which occurs just a few weeks into pregnancy.


FREE MINDS


FREE MARKETS

Read the rest of the thread here.


QUICK HITS

•  California is headed back toward lockdown. “Gov. Gavin Newsom ordered the closure Monday of all indoor operations at restaurants, bars, gyms, churches, malls, and other locations in 30 counties statewide,” reports CBSN Los Angeles.

• A judge sent a 15-year-old girl in Michigan to jail for not finishing her homework.

• A new television series based on the classic dystopian novel Brave New World debuts Wednesday.

• John Morgan, a top fundraiser for Joe Biden, told The Daily Beast that Sen. Kamala Harris’ “treacherous” attacks on Biden during Democratic presidential debates last summer disqualified her from becoming Biden’s running mate. “She didn’t stab him in the back—she stabbed him in the heart,” Morgan said.

• “The resumption of routine visa services will occur on a post-by-post basis” at U.S. embassies and consulates abroad, a State Department spokesperson told ABC News yesterday.

• “The pro-choice movement in America is almost inextricable from Planned Parenthood”—and that’s a problem, writes Jessa Crispin at The Guardian.

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via IFTTT

How China’s Clamp Down on Hong Kong Could Affect the Global Internet

hkchina_1161x653

The Western satellite of Hong Kong had a great run. Two decades resisting the authority of an empowered and modern Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is nothing to sneeze at. But with last month’s passing of the National Security Law (NSL), which aims to clamp down on the raucous anti-CCP protests that have recently gripped the island, Hong Kong’s unprecedented experiment in pseudo-sovereign liberalism looks to be coming to an end.

This law has already threatened the prized freedoms to which dissident Hong Kongers are accustomed. With the NSL also comes an uncertain future for both individual technology companies and the landscape of the global internet.

The law grants authorities with sweeping powers to root out what they consider “secession, terrorist activities, subversion, and collusion with a foreign country or with external elements”—no new feat for a government. At the same time, the NSL adopts the language of Western governments with promises to protect “human rights” including the “freedoms of speech, of the press, of publication, of association, of assembly, of procession, and of demonstration.”

That is, unless those activities are deemed to be actually illegal by a newly created “Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” that is supervised by the Mainland government. Should a would-be freedom fighter be suspected as a secretive terrorist under the system the Committee creates, they will be tried in a special court and subject to penalties up to life imprisonment.

This de facto legal crusade against any discussion of Hong Kong independence or CCP shortcomings creates problems for U.S. tech companies operating in the region. Many U.S. companies only partially operate on the mainland, and some of them are basically shut out. Having offices in Hong Kong lets them have a footprint in China without being openly subject to CCP rule (and therefore the public criticism in the West that would follow).

That is now changing with the NSL. China is exerting more direct control of Hong Kong through the Committee for Safeguarding National Security and another new body called the “Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region,” which is totally under the control of the mainland and not subject to Hong Kong jurisdiction at all. As the lines between the CCP and Hong Kong governance become blurrier, it becomes harder to claim you do not collaborate with or enable foreign governments that operate ethnic concentration camps.

And the NSL asks for much collaboration. Article 43 of the NSL empowers Hong Kong police with authorities to investigate suspected subversion. Specifically, law enforcement can “[require] a person who published information or the relevant service provider [i.e. technology company] to delete the information or provide assistance” including decryption. If the service provider refuses, the police can petition for a warrant to force the intended digital deeds.

In other words, to operate in Hong Kong, a technology company, foreign or domestic, must accept being deputized as a CCP informant. Failure to comply means possible fines of up to $100,000 HKD (around $13,000 USD) and six months in prison.

There are also provisions for surveillance. Subsection 6 outlines a process for law enforcement to apply for “interception of communications and covert surveillance operations” authorities along with a fast-tracked process for “less intrusive covert surveillance.”

What future will American companies have in Hong Kong? Some of the biggies have already started to resist: Facebook, Google, Twitter, and Microsoft have already paused their information sharing request programs with the Hong Kong government.

Perhaps when the buzz dies down, and it looks to them like the NSL will not be too too onerous, American tech companies will resume normal operations. Hong Kong authorities have tried to assuage concerns by stating that the new laws will only target a small and specific minority. Maybe, maybe not. Would we expect a CCP-controlled jurisdiction to tell us when they plan on abusing power?

And there is great potential for abuse. The NSL does not just apply to Hong Kongers. Article 38 states that the law applies to “[offenses]…committed against the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region from outside the Region by a person who is not a permanent resident of the Region”—a.k.a. you. Hope you like the CCP! If you don’t, keep your criticisms to yourself.

The NSL is not merely the first step in covering Hong Kong within the CCP’s Great Firewall. It tries to extend Chinese jurisdiction over the open internet as well.

It is hard to see a way around a coming tech exodus from Hong Kong. Will American tech companies just tell these various People’s Committees to go pound sand? Them and what army? Will the U.S. government back an escalation of conflicts with China on Big Tech’s behalf? The potential for brinkmanship is clear.

The problem is built into many companies’ business models. Firms like Google and Facebook survive on data-driven advertising. They make money by amassing personally identifiable and behavioral data. Law enforcement agents of any country would love to get their hands on that data, and it can be trivially easy to do this, especially when they have a world power government behind you.

It’s a weird situation. The U.S. government has tapped into these rich data veins on persons both within and beyond our borders for years. And although the state here does not censor by law, powerful companies are often close to powerful politicians and they help each other out how they can. For freedom-loving people outside of U.S. borders (and even many people here), this anti-Chinese posture surely smacks of more than a little power-preserving hypocrisy.

The Western internet is undeniably more open than the one behind Great Firewall. But only to the extent that it does not effectively challenge our own power centers. Encryption is already of questionable legality in China. Our leaders are not too far behind with measures like the EARN It Act.

This is not to downplay the severity of the threat to Hong Kong dissidents and the open internet. The NSL must be strongly resisted and criticized because it puts lives at great risk. But so did measures like the PATRIOT Act, which we have merely become accustomed to here in our “free web.” It may be that it’s easier to challenge dangerous power-grabs when coming from “their side.”

Challenges to the open internet emanate from many nations beyond the U.S. and China. Take your pick: there’s Australia’s encryption war, the German hate crime bill, the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation, Brazilian battles against WhatsApp, and now India is getting in on the fun. For a brief and beautiful moment, technology secured free spaces online. As governments have gotten savvier, those free communities have become scarcer.

The sum effects of these developments may be to speed up the development of a more private web. Distributed networks will replace centralized platforms that can be leaned upon to censor or track individuals. Identities will be more pseudonymous and reputation-based rather than tied to bodies that can be oppressed by powerful groups. The act of sending bits will resistant to control even if the developers of the technology that empowers such acts really wished it wasn’t.

At least, this is the vision of a new generation of cypherpunks that are working to build these technologies as we speak. It is becoming clearer that governments—even those that profess to operate on principles of liberalism—have no interest in securing a true open internet beyond what suits their present strategies for securing global power.

We can’t rely on states. Our strongest hope for resistance against censorship and surveillance lies with technologies that are built to resist censorship and surveillance by design. The question is when current internet users will decide when they’ve had enough.

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Justice Fields’s Docket Book (October Term 1885)

Throughout the 19th and early 20th century, Supreme Court justices used so-called “docket books” to keep tracks of the votes cast at conference. These leather-bound volumes were printed with the names of hold-over cases. As new cases were added, the clerk would write in the new information on blank pages. The docket books were eventually phased out after the October Term 1945, and replaced with three-ring binders.

Recently, the Supreme Court acquired Justice Stephen Field’s long-lost docket book from October Term 1885. Alas, the book does not contain any marks in Justice Field’s handwriting. The Supreme Court Historical Society described the discovery:

The book lists cases on the docket but also the attorneys who argued them, including Belva Lockwood who became the first woman to argue a case before the Supreme Court in 1880. Future Justices Melville W. Fuller and George Shiras, Jr. are also listed as advocates. During the 1885 Term the Court docketed 1,348 cases and disposed of 444. Field’s biographer, Paul Kens, author of Justice Stephen Field: Shaping Liberty from the Gold Rush to the Gilded Age (1997), says Field wrote many opinions that Term and that the book’s discovery is “really exciting.”

How the book survived is still a bit of mystery, including how it ended up near Richmond. It is presumed that Field or his staff destroyed his Supreme Court papers and docket books after his retirement in 1897, because no significant collection of his papers exists today. The 1885 Docket Book must therefore have left his possession earlier. The rest of Field’s personal law library was donated by his widow, Sue Field, to the Stanford University Law Library around 1900, but none of his other docket books are located there today.

Here is the cover of the volume:

Here is the index. All of the hold-over cases were printed in the volume.


For each case, the docket book listed the arguing attorneys, the case name, as well as the lower-court.

And when a case fell of the docket, it was literally crossed out of the docket book.

There were two prominent cases decided during OT 1885, First, Yick Wo v. Hopkins (118 U.S. 356) was argued on April 14, 1886, and May 10, 1886. Second, Presser v. Illinois (116 U.S. 252) was decided on January 4, 1886. The latter is an important Second Amendment case.

I asked Matthew Hofstedt, Associate Curator of the Supreme Court, if he would be willing to share the entries for these cases. He kindly sent the below graphics.

Presser, which had been scheduled the prior year, was printed on page 13:

The  entry for Yick Wo was hand-written because it was a new case. This section stretched across two pages.

Here is the left side of the page. The entry lists the petitioner as “Yick Wo,” with the notation “P.E.” (Plaintiff in Error). His attorney is D.L. Smoot. The respondent is “Peter Hopkins, Sheriff.”

And here is the right side of the page. You can see the reference to “Cal Sup. Court.”

Thanks again to Matthew for sharing these important files.

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How China’s Clamp Down on Hong Kong Could Affect the Global Internet

hkchina_1161x653

The Western satellite of Hong Kong had a great run. Two decades resisting the authority of an empowered and modern Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is nothing to sneeze at. But with last month’s passing of the National Security Law (NSL), which aims to clamp down on the raucous anti-CCP protests that have recently gripped the island, Hong Kong’s unprecedented experiment in pseudo-sovereign liberalism looks to be coming to an end.

This law has already threatened the prized freedoms to which dissident Hong Kongers are accustomed. With the NSL also comes an uncertain future for both individual technology companies and the landscape of the global internet.

The law grants authorities with sweeping powers to root out what they consider “secession, terrorist activities, subversion, and collusion with a foreign country or with external elements”—no new feat for a government. At the same time, the NSL adopts the language of Western governments with promises to protect “human rights” including the “freedoms of speech, of the press, of publication, of association, of assembly, of procession, and of demonstration.”

That is, unless those activities are deemed to be actually illegal by a newly created “Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” that is supervised by the Mainland government. Should a would-be freedom fighter be suspected as a secretive terrorist under the system the Committee creates, they will be tried in a special court and subject to penalties up to life imprisonment.

This de facto legal crusade against any discussion of Hong Kong independence or CCP shortcomings creates problems for U.S. tech companies operating in the region. Many U.S. companies only partially operate on the mainland, and some of them are basically shut out. Having offices in Hong Kong lets them have a footprint in China without being openly subject to CCP rule (and therefore the public criticism in the West that would follow).

That is now changing with the NSL. China is exerting more direct control of Hong Kong through the Committee for Safeguarding National Security and another new body called the “Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region,” which is totally under the control of the mainland and not subject to Hong Kong jurisdiction at all. As the lines between the CCP and Hong Kong governance become blurrier, it becomes harder to claim you do not collaborate with or enable foreign governments that operate ethnic concentration camps.

And the NSL asks for much collaboration. Article 43 of the NSL empowers Hong Kong police with authorities to investigate suspected subversion. Specifically, law enforcement can “[require] a person who published information or the relevant service provider [i.e. technology company] to delete the information or provide assistance” including decryption. If the service provider refuses, the police can petition for a warrant to force the intended digital deeds.

In other words, to operate in Hong Kong, a technology company, foreign or domestic, must accept being deputized as a CCP informant. Failure to comply means possible fines of up to $100,000 HKD (around $13,000 USD) and six months in prison.

There are also provisions for surveillance. Subsection 6 outlines a process for law enforcement to apply for “interception of communications and covert surveillance operations” authorities along with a fast-tracked process for “less intrusive covert surveillance.”

What future will American companies have in Hong Kong? Some of the biggies have already started to resist: Facebook, Google, Twitter, and Microsoft have already paused their information sharing request programs with the Hong Kong government.

Perhaps when the buzz dies down, and it looks to them like the NSL will not be too too onerous, American tech companies will resume normal operations. Hong Kong authorities have tried to assuage concerns by stating that the new laws will only target a small and specific minority. Maybe, maybe not. Would we expect a CCP-controlled jurisdiction to tell us when they plan on abusing power?

And there is great potential for abuse. The NSL does not just apply to Hong Kongers. Article 38 states that the law applies to “[offenses]…committed against the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region from outside the Region by a person who is not a permanent resident of the Region”—a.k.a. you. Hope you like the CCP! If you don’t, keep your criticisms to yourself.

The NSL is not merely the first step in covering Hong Kong within the CCP’s Great Firewall. It tries to extend Chinese jurisdiction over the open internet as well.

It is hard to see a way around a coming tech exodus from Hong Kong. Will American tech companies just tell these various People’s Committees to go pound sand? Them and what army? Will the U.S. government back an escalation of conflicts with China on Big Tech’s behalf? The potential for brinkmanship is clear.

The problem is built into many companies’ business models. Firms like Google and Facebook survive on data-driven advertising. They make money by amassing personally identifiable and behavioral data. Law enforcement agents of any country would love to get their hands on that data, and it can be trivially easy to do this, especially when they have a world power government behind you.

It’s a weird situation. The U.S. government has tapped into these rich data veins on persons both within and beyond our borders for years. And although the state here does not censor by law, powerful companies are often close to powerful politicians and they help each other out how they can. For freedom-loving people outside of U.S. borders (and even many people here), this anti-Chinese posture surely smacks of more than a little power-preserving hypocrisy.

The Western internet is undeniably more open than the one behind Great Firewall. But only to the extent that it does not effectively challenge our own power centers. Encryption is already of questionable legality in China. Our leaders are not too far behind with measures like the EARN It Act.

This is not to downplay the severity of the threat to Hong Kong dissidents and the open internet. The NSL must be strongly resisted and criticized because it puts lives at great risk. But so did measures like the PATRIOT Act, which we have merely become accustomed to here in our “free web.” It may be that it’s easier to challenge dangerous power-grabs when coming from “their side.”

Challenges to the open internet emanate from many nations beyond the U.S. and China. Take your pick: there’s Australia’s encryption war, the German hate crime bill, the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation, Brazilian battles against WhatsApp, and now India is getting in on the fun. For a brief and beautiful moment, technology secured free spaces online. As governments have gotten savvier, those free communities have become scarcer.

The sum effects of these developments may be to speed up the development of a more private web. Distributed networks will replace centralized platforms that can be leaned upon to censor or track individuals. Identities will be more pseudonymous and reputation-based rather than tied to bodies that can be oppressed by powerful groups. The act of sending bits will resistant to control even if the developers of the technology that empowers such acts really wished it wasn’t.

At least, this is the vision of a new generation of cypherpunks that are working to build these technologies as we speak. It is becoming clearer that governments—even those that profess to operate on principles of liberalism—have no interest in securing a true open internet beyond what suits their present strategies for securing global power.

We can’t rely on states. Our strongest hope for resistance against censorship and surveillance lies with technologies that are built to resist censorship and surveillance by design. The question is when current internet users will decide when they’ve had enough.

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Justice Fields’s Docket Book (October Term 1885)

Throughout the 19th and early 20th century, Supreme Court justices used so-called “docket books” to keep tracks of the votes cast at conference. These leather-bound volumes were printed with the names of hold-over cases. As new cases were added, the clerk would write in the new information on blank pages. The docket books were eventually phased out after the October Term 1945, and replaced with three-ring binders.

Recently, the Supreme Court acquired Justice Stephen Field’s long-lost docket book from October Term 1885. Alas, the book does not contain any marks in Justice Field’s handwriting. The Supreme Court Historical Society described the discovery:

The book lists cases on the docket but also the attorneys who argued them, including Belva Lockwood who became the first woman to argue a case before the Supreme Court in 1880. Future Justices Melville W. Fuller and George Shiras, Jr. are also listed as advocates. During the 1885 Term the Court docketed 1,348 cases and disposed of 444. Field’s biographer, Paul Kens, author of Justice Stephen Field: Shaping Liberty from the Gold Rush to the Gilded Age (1997), says Field wrote many opinions that Term and that the book’s discovery is “really exciting.”

How the book survived is still a bit of mystery, including how it ended up near Richmond. It is presumed that Field or his staff destroyed his Supreme Court papers and docket books after his retirement in 1897, because no significant collection of his papers exists today. The 1885 Docket Book must therefore have left his possession earlier. The rest of Field’s personal law library was donated by his widow, Sue Field, to the Stanford University Law Library around 1900, but none of his other docket books are located there today.

Here is the cover of the volume:

Here is the index. All of the hold-over cases were printed in the volume.


For each case, the docket book listed the arguing attorneys, the case name, as well as the lower-court.

And when a case fell of the docket, it was literally crossed out of the docket book.

There were two prominent cases decided during OT 1885, First, Yick Wo v. Hopkins (118 U.S. 356) was argued on April 14, 1886, and May 10, 1886. Second, Presser v. Illinois (116 U.S. 252) was decided on January 4, 1886. The latter is an important Second Amendment case.

I asked Matthew Hofstedt, Associate Curator of the Supreme Court, if he would be willing to share the entries for these cases. He kindly sent the below graphics.

Presser, which had been scheduled the prior year, was printed on page 13:

The  entry for Yick Wo was hand-written because it was a new case. This section stretched across two pages.

Here is the left side of the page. The entry lists the petitioner as “Yick Wo,” with the notation “P.E.” (Plaintiff in Error). His attorney is D.L. Smoot. The respondent is “Peter Hopkins, Sheriff.”

And here is the right side of the page. You can see the reference to “Cal Sup. Court.”

Thanks again to Matthew for sharing these important files.

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Brickbat: How Else Will They Learn?

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California’s Oak Grove School District says it has fired a special education teacher caught on video coughing on a 1-year-old boy. Nancy Norland reportedly became upset when the child’s mother wasn’t maintaining proper social distance in line at a San Jose yogurt shop. So Norland pulled off her mask, leaned down in the boy’s face and coughed.

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