Texas Mayor Caught Defying Her Own Stay-At-Home Order At Local Nail Salon

Texas Mayor Caught Defying Her Own Stay-At-Home Order At Local Nail Salon

When a photo of Beaumont, Texas Mayor Becky Ames at a local nail salon surfaced, all hell broke loose.

That’s because Beaumont has been on lockdown for almost a month.

The mayor left last week’s council meeting to “find her phone flooded with text messages and angry social media criticism” after the picture went viral among the town after appearing on a local blog, according to Chron.

Ames signed a stay-at-home order on March 27 that included nails and hair salons as businesses that were ordered to close around the region. Ames said the photo “could make people think she was getting a manicure” but then defended herself, saying: “I did not do anything wrong. I would not be upset with anyone who I found out did this.”

Instead, she says she had stopped at the salon to soak off artificial “dip” nails after they had grown out and become painful. 

Ames continued to dig her hole deeper, telling a local news outlet: “Six weeks ago or more, I went to get a manicure and ended up getting the powder nails for the first time. I loved it and it looked great, but as they grew out I started looking like a witch. I tried to take them off and texted the lady that did them, who is the owner of the salon, to ask what to do.”

She said the salon wasn’t open but the owner said she would mix some solution to be picked up. A photo was taken while she was “soaking her nails to learn how to take them off,” Ames says. 

The mayor says she was at the salon for just 10 minutes before going to the Beaumont City Council meeting. She said she was able to remove half the dip nails in that time. 

Ames said she didn’t realize someone was taking her photo. The salon owner backed up the mayor’s story and told the employee, who snapped the photo, not to return to work. Ames and the owner both said she did not pay for the solution that was used.

“The owner said she has a lot of ladies that need to get their nails off, so she’s set this out for them. A lot of hairdressers have left color out for someone to come pick up. There’s nothing wrong with that as long as you’re social distancing,” Ames concluded.


Tyler Durden

Thu, 04/23/2020 – 18:45

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3cDBSgc Tyler Durden

What Explains the Difference Between Estimated COVID-19 Fatality Rates in New York and California?

One of the points raised by critics of two recent California studies that estimated a surprisingly low fatality rate for COVID-19 can be summarized in four words: What about New York? If just 0.1 percent of people infected by the COVID-19 virus can be expected to die from the disease, as the low end of the range indicated by antibody tests in Santa Clara County and Los Angeles County suggests, the current death toll in New York City would imply that more than 100 percent of the population has been infected.

We probably can rule out that possibility, even without taking into account the test results that New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced today, which suggest that a fifth of the city’s residents have antibodies to the virus. By comparison, the Santa Clara County and Los Angeles County studies estimated that the share of residents infected by the virus as of early April was around 3 percent and 4 percent, respectively. Given New York City’s population density, it makes sense that a substantially larger share of residents would be infected there than in most other areas of the country. But population density alone does not account for the remarkably severe impact of COVID-19 in New York, and other possible explanations have been floated, including demographic factors, social distancing policies, overburdened hospitals, and multiple sources of infection from international travelers.

The current crude case fatality rate (CFR) in New York City—confirmed deaths as a share of confirmed cases—is more than 7 percent. If you include “probable deaths”—cases where infection was not confirmed by virus tests but suspected based on symptoms and circumstances—the crude CFR rises to nearly 11 percent. By comparison, the national average is currently 5.7 percent.

That average disguises wide geographic variation. In Texas, where I live, the current crude CFR is 2.6 percent. It is 1.3 percent in Wyoming, 3.2 percent in Florida, 3.8 percent in California, 5.3 percent in New Jersey, and 6.2 percent in Louisiana.

New York state accounts for nearly a third of COVID-19 deaths in the United States, and New York City by itself accounts for a fifth (including just confirmed fatalities). The city has recorded more than 100 deaths per 100,000 residents, compared to about 15 nationwide, two in Texas, four in California, and 60 in New Jersey.

So what’s going on in New York? Even judging from confirmed cases, it’s clear that a relatively large share of the population is infected. And we know that confirmed cases underestimate total infections, since testing has been skewed toward people with severe symptoms, which are not typical. The size of that gap—the issue at the heart of the controversy over the California studies—is crucial in estimating the overall fatality rate among people infected by the virus.

Cuomo said about 14 percent of 3,000 people randomly selected from shoppers across the state tested positive for antibodies to the COVID-19 virus. That sample may not be representative of the general population, since people who are sick or think they may have been exposed to the virus are probably less likely to be out in public. But assuming the sample is representative, the results suggest that something like 2.7 million New Yorkers have been infected, which in turn implies a statewide infection fatality rate (IFR) in the neighborhood of 0.6 percent—three times the upper estimate from the California studies.

Cuomo said the antibody tests suggest that 21 percent of New York City’s population has been infected, which implies about the same IFR. It makes sense that the virus would be especially prevalent in New York City. With 27,000 people per square mile, the city has by far the highest population density of any jurisdiction in the United States. With so many people living in close proximity to each other, jostling each other on sidewalks, and crowding together in subways, stores, bars, and restaurants, it would be surprising if New York City did not have an unusually high infection rate.

But population density is not the whole story. When George Rutherford, an epidemiologist and biostatistician at the University of California, San Francisco, looked at COVID-19 cases and deaths across boroughs and counties within New York City, he found they were not correlated with population density. Staten Island, for example, had a lot more cases per 100,000 residents than Manhattan did.

Richard Florida, an urban studies scholar at the University of Toronto, argues that economic class also plays an important role in the epidemic. “Covid-19 is hitting hardest not in uber-dense Manhattan but in the less-dense outer boroughs, like the Bronx, Queens, and even far less dense Staten Island,” he writes in a CityLab essay. “The density that transmits the virus is when people are crammed together in multifamily, multi-generational households or in factories or frontline service work in close physical proximity to one another or the public….There is a huge difference between rich dense places, where people can shelter in place, work remotely, and have all of their food and other needs delivered to them, and poor dense places, which push people out onto the streets, into stores, and onto crowded transit with one another.”

The spread of COVID-19 in New York City also was hastened by the introduction of the virus via many travelers from other countries. “Studies of the viral genome have shown that whereas California had about eight initial introductions, mainly from Asia, dozens of people (up to 100) brought the virus into New York, mainly from Europe,” Jeanna Bryner notes on Live Science. “Each of those introductions creates its own ‘chain of transmission,’ passing the virus to individuals who then, in turn, pass it to others.” According to modeling by researchers at Northeastern University, New York City may have had more than 10,000 infections by March 1, when its first confirmed case was reported.

Another possible factor is the timing of mandatory social distancing policies. Cuomo issued a business closure and stay-at-home order on March 20, the day after California Gov. Gavin Newsom imposed similar restrictions and four days after six counties in the San Francisco Bay Area ordered lockdowns. Assuming three weeks from infection to death, Rutherford, the epidemiologist, told Bryner earlier this month, the first case in the Bay Area happened about two weeks before the local lockdown. In New York City, he said, about four weeks elapsed between the estimated introduction of the virus and the stay-at-home order.

In light of the newly documented COVID-19 death in Santa Clara County on February 6, that comparison seems dubious. That case involved a woman who apparently was infected through transmission in the local community, which suggests the virus was already spreading in the Bay Area by mid-January, a month before the lockdowns there.

It may turn out that New York City not only has more infections per capita than other jurisdictions but also has a higher infection fatality rate, as Cuomo’s numbers suggest. Rutherford thinks a stressed health care system may help explain that difference. “As the hospital systems get overwhelmed, the mortality rate goes up proportionately,” he told Brynner, citing data from China.

Epidemic-related hospital use peaked in New York state on April 8, according to data from the University of Washington’s Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME). At that point, the IHME says, the number of available ICU beds fell about 5,500 short of what was needed.

New York City’s experience with COVID-19 could mean that the IFR estimates from the California studies are wildly off. It also could mean that a much larger share of the population is infected in New York City, as Cuomo’s numbers suggest, and that people with the disease tend to do worse there for reasons that may include an overburdened health care system. Or all three of those things could be true to some extent. We won’t have a clearer answer until additional research sheds light on the actual prevalence of the virus in different parts of the country.

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Houses Passes New $484 Billion Coronavirus Stimulus Bill

Houses Passes New $484 Billion Coronavirus Stimulus Bill

After some initial delays, the House overwhelmingly passed and sent to President Trump a $484 billion coronavirus relief package, even as some members were already at odds over the next phase of rescue legislation. Once he receives the bill, Trump will swiftly sign off on the fourth coronavirus-related spending measure since early March. This bill would replenish funding to the Paycheck Protection Program for small businesses and provide other spending for hospitals and virus testing.

The bipartisan 388-5 vote – four Republicans Massie, Hice, Buck and Biggs voted against it; one Democrat, Ocasio-Cortez voted no and independent Justin Amash voted present – was delivered by passed wearing masks and entering the House chamber under strict health precautions. Several members lamented people who’ve died from or are critically ill with the virus, including one lawmaker’s sister.

“This is really a very, very sad day,” said Speaker Nancy Pelosi, giving a less-than-triumphant sendoff to the bill on a day when about 4.4 million additional workers were reported to have applied for unemployment benefits last week. “Our nation faces a deadly virus, a battered economy,” and hundreds of thousands of ill people. “Some died, and millions out of work,” said Pelosi.

When asked by CNN if Dems should have held out longer, AOC who voted against the bill, said “I truly hope I’m wrong, my concern is we are giving Republicans what they want. McConnell is already talking about the deficit the moment we talk about getting people relief… That to me is a signal that Republicans are done.”

According to Bloomberg, the House – which had not convened as a group since March 27 – also adopted a measure creating a special subcommittee to oversee the spending of coronavirus funds. The floor action was carried out with carefully choreographed movement and spacing of lawmakers to guard against spreading any infection. Groups of 60 members entered the chamber in alphabetical order to vote, then exited on the opposite side.

While the bill was destined to pass, much of Thursday’s debate centered on GOP claims that Pelosi and Democrats needlessly delayed agreement on the bill, and Democratic arguments that Senate Republicans under Majority Leader Mitch McConnell refused for too long to add items that were needed, only to agree at the end.

The final bill includes $320 billion to make new loans under the Paycheck Protection Program, which provides forgivable loans to small business that keep employees on the payroll for eight weeks. It sets aside $30 billion of the loans for banks and credit unions with $10 billion to $50 billion in assets, and another $30 billion for even smaller institutions.

The measure includes $60 billion in loans and grants under a separate Economic Injury Disaster Loan program, and makes farms and ranches eligible for the loans. Also, there is $75 billion for hospitals, with a significant portion aimed at those in rural areas, and $25 billion for virus testing.

The testing funds include $18 billion for states, localities, territories, and tribes to conduct Covid-19 tests, $1 billion for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and $1.8 billion for the National Institutes of Health. As much as $1 billion would cover costs of testing for the uninsured.

According to some estimates, the additional PPP funds may be allocated – this time to those who truly need them instead of major public companies – in as little as a day, which means that the entire circus will repeat again in a week or so. According to BofA estimates, a total of just under $1 trillion in PPP funding will have to be provided which means that at least one more package will have to be signed into law.


Tyler Durden

Thu, 04/23/2020 – 18:35

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Can Oil Prices Get Back To $100?

Can Oil Prices Get Back To $100?

Authored by Haley Zaremba via OilPrice.com,

“We’re in a deflationary moment that surpasses anything seen in most people’s lifetimes,” proclaimed a New York Times byline on Tuesday, the morning after oil prices went negative. The West Texas Crude Intermediate benchmark plummeted to previously unimaginable depths, closing the day at negative $37.63 per barrel.  The novel coronavirus has wreaked unprecedented havoc on the global economy, shutting down entire industrial sectors and bringing countries across the world to a halt as the global community shelters in place to slow the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. Economists have warned that the fallout is going to be the largest economic downturn that we have seen in our lifetimes, but few could have foreseen the absurdity of negative oil prices. 

Few, but not none. Three weeks ago, on April 1, CNBC published a report titled “Oil prices could soon turn negative as the world runs out of places to store crude, analysts warn,“ which predicted exactly what is happening now.

“Global oil storage could reach maximum capacity within weeks, energy analysts have told CNBC, as the coronavirus crisis dramatically reduces consumption and some of the world’s most powerful crude producers start to ramp up their output.”

While the situation is totally unprecedented it’s impossible to say what will happen next for oil markets, some experts think that oil is poised for a major comeback.

Even though oil prices are lower than they have ever been, “one energy fund thinks $100 a barrel is achievable,” reported the Midland Reporter-Telegram earlier this week.

At the time of the report, oil was only at an 18-year low rather than an all-time low. The article intro continued: 

“But first, prices need to fall even further.”

Well, they got their wish. 

As oil prices have tanked over the past two months, “Westbeck Capital Management’s Energy Opportunity Fund climbed 20.2 percent in March after declines in the first two months of the year, according to an investor letter. That puts the commodities-focused fund up 3.7 percent in the first quarter after U.S. oil futures cratered 66 percent — their worst quarter ever,” reports the Midland Reporter Telegram.

“The fund, which gained 40 percent last year shorting U.S. shale companies, has turned its attention to oil tanks filling up at various points around the world, particularly at the biggest U.S. hub in Cushing, Oklahoma. With too much oil and not enough places to put it, Cushing may reach storage limits by mid-May, a market dislocation that could portend the next leg of a price rout.”

This all points to a huge comeback for oil prices. As the world rushes to scale back oil production, they are setting up a bull market for the future.

“When we are on the other side of the pandemic, we think oil demand will normalize very quickly. And next year, we could even see unprecedented inventory draws and the world quickly running out of spare capacity,” Westbeck Chief Executive Officer Jean-Louis Le Mee told MRT in an interview.

“That rout will mean more U.S. shale producers will have to throttle back output, some of which could be permanent, […].

The shut-ins, coupled with a recent deal by OPEC and allied members to curb production, could set the stage for a price rebound in coming years.

U.S. shale had already been in serious decline as West Texas wells aged and the gush of the shale revolution. Now, with the oil price crash, the Permian Basin has been burdened with bankruptcies and tens of thousands of fired and furloughed employees. So when we are able to return to business as usual, there will likely be a shortage of spare capacity. Low supply, high demand. That’s how these things work. Keep an eye out for $100 barrels coming down the pike.


Tyler Durden

Thu, 04/23/2020 – 18:25

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3azKROj Tyler Durden

What Explains the Difference Between Estimated COVID-19 Fatality Rates in New York and California?

One of the points raised by critics of two recent California studies that estimated a surprisingly low fatality rate for COVID-19 can be summarized in four words: What about New York? If just 0.1 percent of people infected by the COVID-19 virus can be expected to die from the disease, as the low end of the range indicated by antibody tests in Santa Clara County and Los Angeles County suggests, the current death toll in New York City would imply that more than 100 percent of the population has been infected.

We probably can rule out that possibility, even without taking into account the test results that New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced today, which suggest that a fifth of the city’s residents have antibodies to the virus. Given New York City’s population density, it makes sense that a substantially larger share of residents would be infected there than in most other areas of the country. But population density alone does not account for the remarkably severe impact of COVID-19 in New York, and other possible explanations have been floated, including demographic factors, social distancing policies, overburdened hospitals, and multiple sources of infection from international travelers.

The current crude fatality rate (CFR) in New York City—confirmed deaths as a share of confirmed cases—is more than 7 percent. If you include “probable deaths”—cases where infection was not confirmed by virus tests but suspected based on symptoms and circumstances—the crude CFR rises to nearly 11 percent. By comparison, the national average is currently 5.7 percent.

That average disguises wide geographic variation. In Texas, where I live, the current crude CFR is 2.6 percent. It is 1.3 percent in Wyoming, 3.2 percent in Florida, 3.8 percent in California, and 5.3 percent in New Jersey. New York, both the city and the state, have the highest crude CFRs by a substantial margin.

New York state accounts for nearly a third of COVID-19 deaths in the United States, and New York City by itself accounts for a fifth (including just confirmed fatalities). The city has recorded more than 100 deaths per 100,000 residents, compared to about 15 nationwide, two in Texas, four in California, and 60 in New Jersey.

So what’s going on in New York? Even judging from confirmed cases, it’s clear that a relatively large share of the population is infected. And we know that confirmed cases underestimate total infections, since testing has been skewed toward people with severe symptoms, which are not typical. The size of that gap—the issue at the heart of the controversy over the California studies—is crucial in estimating the overall fatality rate among people infected by the virus.

Cuomo said about 14 percent of 3,000 people randomly selected from shoppers across the state tested positive for antibodies to the COVID-19 virus. That sample may not be representative of the general population, since people who are sick or think they may have been exposed to the virus are probably less likely to be out in public. But assuming the sample is representative, the results suggest that something like 2.7 million New Yorkers have been infected, which in turn implies a statewide infection fatality rate (IFR) in the neighborhood of 0.6 percent—three times the upper estimate from the California studies.

Cuomo said the antibody tests suggest that 21 percent of New York City’s population has been infected, which implies about the same IFR. It makes sense that the virus would be especially prevalent in New York City. With 27,000 people per square mile, the city has by far the highest population density of any jurisdiction in the United States. With so many people living in close proximity to each other, jostling each other on sidewalks, and crowding together in subways, stores, bars, and restaurants, it would be surprising if New York City did not have an unusually high infection rate.

But population density is not the whole story. When George Rutherford, an epidemiologist and biostatistician at the University of California, San Francisco, looked at COVID-19 cases and deaths across boroughs and counties within New York City, he found they were not correlated with population density. Staten Island, for example, had a lot more cases per 100,000 residents than Manhattan did.

Richard Florida, an urban studies scholar at the University of Toronto, argues that economic class also plays an important role in the epidemic. “Covid-19 is hitting hardest not in uber-dense Manhattan but in the less-dense outer boroughs, like the Bronx, Queens, and even far less dense Staten Island,” he writes in a CityLab essay. “The density that transmits the virus is when people are crammed together in multifamily, multi-generational households or in factories or frontline service work in close physical proximity to one another or the public….There is a huge difference between rich dense places, where people can shelter in place, work remotely, and have all of their food and other needs delivered to them, and poor dense places, which push people out onto the streets, into stores, and onto crowded transit with one another.”

The spread of COVID-19 in New York City also was hastened by the introduction of the virus by many travelers from other countries. “Studies of the viral genome have shown that whereas California had about eight initial introductions, mainly from Asia, dozens of people (up to 100) brought the virus into New York, mainly from Europe,” Jeanna Brynner notes on Live Science. “Each of those introductions creates its own ‘chain of transmission,’ passing the virus to individuals who then, in turn, pass it to others.” According to modeling by researchers at Northeastern University, New York City may have had more than 10,000 infections by March 1, when its first confirmed case was reported.

Another possible factor is the timing of mandatory social distancing policies. Cuomo issued a business closure and stay-at-home order on March 20, the day after California Gov. Gavin Newsom imposed similar restrictions and four days after six counties in the San Francisco Bay Area ordered lockdowns. Assuming three weeks from infection to death, Rutherford, the epidemiologist, told Brynner earlier this month, the first case in the Bay Area happened about two weeks before the local lockdown. In New York City, he said, about four weeks elapsed between the estimated introduction of the virus and the stay-at-home order.

In light of the newly documented COVID-19 death in Santa Clara County on February 6, that comparison seems dubious. That case involved a woman who apparently was infected through transmission in the local community, which suggests the virus was already spreading in the Bay Area by mid-January, a month before the lockdowns there.

It may turn out that New York City not only has more infections per capita than other jurisdictions but also has a higher infection fatality rate, as Cuomo’s numbers suggest. Rutherford thinks a stressed health care system may help explain that difference. “As the hospital systems get overwhelmed, the mortality rate goes up proportionately,” he told Brynner, citing data from China.

Epidemic-related hospital use peaked in New York state on April 8, according to data from the University of Washington’s Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME). At that point, the IHME says, the number of available ICU beds fell about 5,500 short of what was needed.

New York City’s experience with COVID-19 could mean that the IFR estimates from the California studies are wildly off. It also could mean that a much larger share of the population is infected in New York City, as Cuomo’s numbers suggest, and that people with the disease tend to do worse there for reasons that may include an overburdened health care system. Or all three of those things could be true to some extent. We won’t have a clearer answer until additional research sheds light on the actual prevalence of the virus in different parts of the country.

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“Pandemic Drones” To Fly In Connecticut, Hunting For CCOVID-Carriers

“Pandemic Drones” To Fly In Connecticut, Hunting For CCOVID-Carriers

Like it or not, the surveillance state is being ushered in under cover of the pandemic. Coming soon to the skies of Westport, Connecticut, are “pandemic drones” that will hunt for COVID-19 carriers. These special drones have thermal optic sensors blended with artificial intelligence that can detect if a person is feverish and or sneezes or coughs. If the drones detect a possible virus carrier, the drone operator will be alerted and dispatch police to the suspect’s location. 

Westport Police Department are set to test pandemic drones as part of their “Flatten the Curve Pilot Program,” read a press release via US-based Draganfly, the company behind the drones.

The release states each drone is outfitted with specialized sensors and computer vision systems that can fly around cities and detect if people have elevated body temperatures, respiratory rates, as well as to identify if people are sneezing and coughing (all signs of a COVID-19 carrier).

“One of the major problems for cities and towns like Westport in managing and responding to a pandemic like the COVID-19 virus, is finding out who could be infected and how widespread the disease has spread,” said Westport First Selectman, Jim Marpe. “One way to do this is to look for underlying symptoms.”

Westport is a town in Fairfield County, Connecticut, a region walloped by the pandemic. As of Thursday morning, the state has recorded 22,469 cases and 1,544 deaths.

Police said the goal of the program is to monitor the population better and search for potential at-risk people when the economy reopens. The drones are expected to monitor public areas where mass gatherings are generally seen, including train stations, parks, shopping districts, and beaches. Sensors on the drone can detect “infectious conditions from a distance of 190 feet as well as measure social distancing for proactive public safety practices,” the company said.

“The Westport Police Department is one of the most progressive public safety agencies in the nation and real pioneers when it comes to adopting and integrating new technology to enhance the safety of their citizens and first responders,” said Cameron Chell, CEO of Draganfly.

“This coronavirus pandemic has opened up a new frontier for advanced drones. In conjunction with our partners, including the town of Westport, together we are the first in the U.S. to implement this state-of-the-art technology to analyze data in a way that has been peer reviewed and clinically researched to save lives.”

We warned earlier this month that pandemic drones were coming to America… 

The rise of Skynet is happening before our very eyes. 


Tyler Durden

Thu, 04/23/2020 – 18:05

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/2Kvm1EM Tyler Durden

The Facts That Prove Almost Everyone Is Wrong About This Pandemic

The Facts That Prove Almost Everyone Is Wrong About This Pandemic

Authored by Michael Snyder via The End of The American Dream blog,

When it comes to COVID-19, most Americans seem to be gravitating toward one of two extremes.  Some are treating this pandemic like it is the end of the world, while many others are dismissing it as a “nothingburger”

But the truth is somewhere in between. 

Nobody can deny that lots of people are getting sick and lots of people are dying.  In fact, the U.S. death toll has doubled in a little over a week and it has now shot past the 47,000 mark.  And as this pandemic progresses, a lot more people are going to get sick and a lot more people are going to die, and this is going to be true whether the lockdowns continue or not.  The lockdowns were never going to stop COVID-19, and anyone that believed that was just being delusional.

The only time a lockdown should be instituted is if a pandemic has gotten so bad in an area that hospitals are being absolutely overwhelmed, because if people can’t get treatment that is a factor that could potentially increase the overall death toll substantially.

In most of the United States that is not happening right now, and so in most of the nation the lockdowns should be immediately ended.

But won’t a lot more people start getting sick if that happens?

Of course, and this is something that the “nothingburger” crowd doesn’t understand.  Lifting the lockdowns is going to cause the virus to cycle through our population at a much faster rate, and the numbers will get pretty ugly.  But as long as the medical system can handle it, lockdowns are not necessary.

What “the end of the world” crowd does not understand is that when you are dealing with a virus that spreads as easily as this one, it is inevitable that most of the population will eventually become infected.  You can “flatten the curve” and delay the inevitable with lockdowns, but that also prolongs the pandemic.  In the end, roughly the same number of people will get sick and roughly the same number of people will die no matter how the pandemic is “managed”.

This week, the “nothingburger” crowd has made a really big deal out of the fact that a study conducted in L.A. county discovered that about 4 percent of all residents had already developed COVID-19 antibodies, and they were trying to use that study to prove that this pandemic is not much of a threat at all.

Actually, it shows just the opposite.

This pandemic is not going to be over until herd immunity is achieved, and according to Johns Hopkins that does not happen until 70 to 90 percent of a population has developed immunity…

When most of a population is immune to an infectious disease, this provides indirect protection—or herd immunity (also called herd protection)—to those who are not immune to the disease.

For example, if 80% of a population is immune to a virus, four out of every five people who encounter someone with the disease won’t get sick (and won’t spread the disease any further). In this way, the spread of infectious diseases is kept under control. Depending how contagious an infection is, usually 70% to 90% of a population needs immunity to achieve herd immunity.

So let’s do some really quick math.

Let’s assume that the study conducted in L.A. County is representative of the nation as a whole and that approximately 4 percent of all Americans have now developed antibodies.

And let’s also assume that herd immunity for COVID-19 will be achieved when 80 percent of the total population has developed antibodies.

If 47,000 Americans have died at the current 4 percent level of exposure, that means that we could potentially be looking at an overall death toll of 940,000 once we hit an 80 percent exposure level.

Does anyone in the “nothingburger” crowd want to try to claim that 940,000 dead Americans is not a big deal?

I keep hearing people say that this virus “is just like the flu”, and that is absolutely absurd.  As Mike Adams of Natural News has pointed out, COVID-19 has killed more Americans in the last 17 days than the flu did in the last year…

In the last 17 days, the Wuhan coronavirus has killed more Americans (35,087) than the regular flu kills in an entire year (34,157 for the last year). It obliterates any last shred of the argument — still heard across the independent media — that the coronavirus is “no worse than the flu.”

The coronavirus remains the No. 1 cause of death in America on a day-to-day basis, clocking in at 2,804 deaths just today. Total deaths in the USA will exceed 46,000 tomorrow, confirming our earlier projection that estimated 46,000 to 93,000 deaths from coronavirus in the USA by the end of July. It’s not even the end of April, and we’re already beyond 45,000. (At the time we made the projection, it was dismissed as “crazy” by the very same people who still claim the coronavirus is “no worse than the flu.” Those are the people who can’t do math.)

And actually the number of Americans dying from the coronavirus is being seriously undercounted.

In New York City, if someone dies at home they are typically not tested to see if they have the coronavirus.  So even though the number of city residents dying at home is now nearly ten times higher than normal, the vast majority of those cases are never showing up in the official numbers.

But the “end of the world” crowd seems to think that if we just keep everyone at home long enough that we can significantly reduce the final death toll from this pandemic, and that just isn’t accurate either.

Right now, the virus continues to spread even though most of the U.S. has now been locked down for weeks.  In fact, there were nearly 30,000 more confirmed cases during the 24 hour period that just ended.  Whether it does it relatively quickly or relatively slowly, this virus will continue to rip through our population until we eventually get to the point of herd immunity.

“Experts” such as Bill Gates are suggesting that the lockdowns are “buying us time” until our scientists can develop a “vaccine”, but the truth is that is really not much more than a pipe dream.

As I pointed out yesterday, there has never been a successful vaccine for any coronavirus in all of human history, and now that scientists have discovered approximately 30 different strains of the virus that will just make the task of trying to develop a vaccine even more complicated.

Sadly, the reality of the matter is that this virus is going to be with us for a very long time to come.  Eventually herd immunity will hopefully be achieved, but until then a lot of people are going to get sick and a lot of people are going to die.

And fear of this virus is going to be with us for a long time to come as well, and that is going to paralyze our economy whether there are lockdowns or not.

The bottom line is that this virus is not going to be stopped, and the economic collapse that has now begun is not going to be stopped either.

But this isn’t the end of the world, and most of us will get through this.  Of course even bigger challenges lie beyond the end of this pandemic, but that is a topic for another article.

As of this moment, COVID-19 has killed more than 184,000 people around the globe, and by the end of this pandemic the overall death toll is likely to be much, much higher than that.

There is no way that you can possibly call that a “nothingburger”, and sticking your head in the sand is not going to help anything.  But on the other hand, trying to lock down the entire planet is not going to solve this crisis either.  It will simply delay the inevitable, because this virus is just going to continue to spread no matter what actions our politicians take.


Tyler Durden

Thu, 04/23/2020 – 17:45

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Prisoner in Ohio Halfway House Complains About Lack of COVID-19 Preparations. He’s Sent Back to Prison. Now Ohio Prisons are Exploding with COVID-19.

Brandon Baxter complained to a Cleveland newspaper that the halfway house where he lives was not prepared for the COVID-19 pandemic. He was then shipped back to prison, just as the virus is starting to rip through the state’s prison system.

The story begins in March, when Baxter told the Cleveland Plain Dealer how he and others at Oriana House were reacting to the outbreak. “We are all freaking out about this coronavirus situation,” he said. “We are in here, eating shoulder-to-shoulder in a cafeteria, and then going out into the community.”

Within days, federal marshals removed Baxter from the halfway house and deposited him in the Northeast Ohio Correctional Center in Youngstown. When The Plain Dealer‘s Rachel Dissell asked why Baxter had been put behind bars, an Oriana official told her (in Dissell’s paraphrase) that it is a federal “rule violation for any federal prisoner to speak to a member of the public with out permission” and that “Oriana House staff…is obligated as part of its contract to notify the prisons of violations. Prison authorities have discretion over what action to take.”

Baxter himself says in a phone interview yesterday that neither Oriana nor the marshals nor anyone at the Youngstown institution has told him exactly why he’s back there. After the story appeared, the halfway house started stripping him of privileges, leading him to gripe anxiously that they might as well just send him to prison. (He would hope, he says, that an institution dedicated to reintegrating prisoners would see that as a sign he needed to talk to a psychological pro, not that he needed to be locked up.) And after Oriana officials accused him of providing pictures to Dissell, he disabled his phone (“let’s just say I gave them a phone with no battery or SIM card”) before handing it over to investigators. That too was a violation of the rules.

Baxter reiterates his criticisms of Oriana House’s coronavirus policies, noting that residents were still being sent to work in close quarters in offsite factories even as family visits were being restricted for fear of spreading the virus. He also says the halfway house’s policies about inmate internet access—and about when it would allow inmates to leave the premises in search of a job—were grossly inadequate for its alleged goal of reintegrating prisoners into society. He accuses Oriana of blocking him from taking a better-paying job at Amazon because Amazon doesn’t make it as easy to keep constant track of workers while on the job.

Baxter’s fears about COVID-19 in Ohio lockups proved prescient. As the Marion Star reports, “the state’s prison system has recorded 2,426 positive results among inmates.” That’s 21 percent of Ohio’s confirmed cases. The Daily Beast points out that the “Marion Correctional Institution is now the biggest single-source hotspot of coronavirus cases in the United States….More than 70 percent of inmates have tested positive for the novel coronavirus.”

At one Ohio penal institution, the Elkton Federal Correctional Institute, at least 59 inmates and 46 staff have been infected. (As The Cinncinnati Enquirer notes, “the full extent of the outbreak is unknown because only a small percentage of inmates at FCI Elkton have been tested.”) The situation there is so dire that a judge has given the prison two weeks to “evaluate each subclass member’s eligibility for transfer out of Elkton through any means, including but not limited to compassionate release, parole or community supervision, transfer furlough, or nontransfer furlough.”

Fortunately for Baxter, the facility he is stuck in does not seem to have been hard hit. (He is aware of just two confirmed staff cases.) Baxter isn’t “seeing anything to sway me from believing” the official numbers; he hasn’t been seeing or hearing a lot of coughing, for instance. His prison is not one of the ones in which the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction has instituted mass testing for COVID-19.

Baxter is near the end of an almost 10-year sentence for his role in an FBI-provocateur-triggered plot to blow up a bridge. He is scheduled to be released in October.

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Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Thinks Fighting Income Inequality Is a Higher Priority Than Getting People Back to Work

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D–N.Y.) argued in an interview released Wednesday that much of the public should just say “no” to going back to work after COVID-19 subsides.

Appearing on Vice TV’s Seat at the Table, the democratic-socialist legislator declared that workers should fundamentally reject the current system, which she claims is preventing people from maintaining a proper work-life balance.

“Only in America, does the president, when the president tweets about liberation, does he mean ‘Go back to work,'” the congresswoman said. “We have this discussion about ‘going back’ or ‘reopening’—I think a lot of people should just say, ‘No. We’re not going back to that. We’re not going back to working 70-hour weeks just so that we can put food on the table and not feel any sort of semblance of security in our lives.'”

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average U.S. workweek is 34 hours, not 70. However, Ocasio-Cortez appears to think 70-hour workweeks are commonplace: “Unemployment is low because everyone has two jobs,” she told the PBS program Firing Line in 2018. “Unemployment is low because people are working 60, 70, 80 hours a week and can barely feed their family.” Only 8.3 percent of people have more than one job, according to the most recent Census data.

In any event, the congresswoman is yet another politician using the COVID-19 crisis to push for policies that have little or no connection to the pandemic.

In Ocasio-Cortez’s case, that means placing the fight for income equality above reviving a wrecked economy in which more than 26 million people have filed for unemployment in the last five weeks. Instead, it is time for those same people—many of whom are unable to provide for themselves and their families—to insist on better pay and benefits if they are to return to work at all.

This is par for the course for Ocasio-Cortez, whose first Green New Deal overview extended far beyond climate issues by stipulating that the government should provide “economic security for all those who are unable or unwilling to work.” [Emphasis added.]

Zoom out, and you can see in the congresswoman’s positions the belief that technological advances should reduce the role of work in our lives, not just change the way we clock in. While some liberal lawmakers have proposed finding disincentives for automating low-skilled work, Ocasio-Cortez says automation is an opportunity to pay humans what we don’t have to pay robots.

“We should be excited about automation, because what it could potentially mean is more time educating ourselves, more time creating art, more time investing in and investigating the sciences, more time focused on invention, more time going to space, more time enjoying the world that we live in,” she said last year in explaining why she supports a robot tax. “Because not all creativity needs to be bonded by wage.”

Right now, many Americans would probably prefer to have their old jobs back—crummy hours and all—rather than sit around doing nothing and not getting paid for the privilege.

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Prisoner in Ohio Halfway House Complains About Lack of COVID-19 Preparations. He’s Sent Back to Prison. Now Ohio Prisons are Exploding with COVID-19.

Brandon Baxter complained to a Cleveland newspaper that the halfway house where he lives was not prepared for the COVID-19 pandemic. He was then shipped back to prison, just as the virus is starting to rip through the state’s prison system.

The story begins in March, when Baxter told the Cleveland Plain Dealer how he and others at Oriana House were reacting to the outbreak. “We are all freaking out about this coronavirus situation,” he said. “We are in here, eating shoulder-to-shoulder in a cafeteria, and then going out into the community.”

Within days, federal marshals removed Baxter from the halfway house and deposited him in the Northeast Ohio Correctional Center in Youngstown. When The Plain Dealer‘s Rachel Dissell asked why Baxter had been put behind bars, an Oriana official told her (in Dissell’s paraphrase) that it is a federal “rule violation for any federal prisoner to speak to a member of the public with out permission” and that “Oriana House staff…is obligated as part of its contract to notify the prisons of violations. Prison authorities have discretion over what action to take.”

Baxter himself says in a phone interview yesterday that neither Oriana nor the marshals nor anyone at the Youngstown institution has told him exactly why he’s back there. After the story appeared, the halfway house started stripping him of privileges, leading him to gripe anxiously that they might as well just send him to prison. (He would hope, he says, that an institution dedicated to reintegrating prisoners would see that as a sign he needed to talk to a psychological pro, not that he needed to be locked up.) And after Oriana officials accused him of providing pictures to Dissell, he disabled his phone (“let’s just say I gave them a phone with no battery or SIM card”) before handing it over to investigators. That too was a violation of the rules.

Baxter reiterates his criticisms of Oriana House’s coronavirus policies, noting that residents were still being sent to work in close quarters in offsite factories even as family visits were being restricted for fear of spreading the virus. He also says the halfway house’s policies about inmate internet access—and about when it would allow inmates to leave the premises in search of a job—were grossly inadequate for its alleged goal of reintegrating prisoners into society. He accuses Oriana of blocking him from taking a better-paying job at Amazon because Amazon doesn’t make it as easy to keep constant track of workers while on the job.

Baxter’s fears about COVID-19 in Ohio lockups proved prescient. As the Marion Star reports, “the state’s prison system has recorded 2,426 positive results among inmates.” That’s 21 percent of Ohio’s confirmed cases. The Daily Beast points out that the “Marion Correctional Institution is now the biggest single-source hotspot of coronavirus cases in the United States….More than 70 percent of inmates have tested positive for the novel coronavirus.”

At one Ohio penal institution, the Elkton Federal Correctional Institute, at least 59 inmates and 46 staff have been infected. (As The Cinncinnati Enquirer notes, “the full extent of the outbreak is unknown because only a small percentage of inmates at FCI Elkton have been tested.”) The situation there is so dire that a judge has given the prison two weeks to “evaluate each subclass member’s eligibility for transfer out of Elkton through any means, including but not limited to compassionate release, parole or community supervision, transfer furlough, or nontransfer furlough.”

Fortunately for Baxter, the facility he is stuck in does not seem to have been hard hit. (He is aware of just two confirmed staff cases.) Baxter isn’t “seeing anything to sway me from believing” the official numbers; he hasn’t been seeing or hearing a lot of coughing, for instance. His prison is not one of the ones in which the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction has instituted mass testing for COVID-19.

Baxter is near the end of an almost 10-year sentence for his role in an FBI-provocateur-triggered plot to blow up a bridge. He is scheduled to be released in October.

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