20,000 US Troops Have Surged Into Mideast Since Last Spring To ‘Counter Iran’

20,000 US Troops Have Surged Into Mideast Since Last Spring To ‘Counter Iran’

The Associated Press reports a staggering surge of US troops into the Middle East since last Spring: “Over the past eight months, the United States has poured more than 20,000 additional troops into the Middle East to counter the escalating threat from Iran that peaked with the recent missile attack on American forces in Iraq.”

This despite President Trump’s multiple prior pledges to “bring the troops home” especially related to Syria and Iraq. Following the Soleimani assassination and subsequent Iranian ballistic missile retaliation on Ayn al-Assad airbase, where Friday it was reported that 34 soldiers suffered traumatic brain injuries (a dramatically increased figure up from the prior 11), this trend in force build-up looks to continue. Here’s breakdown of the staggering numbers via the AP:

The top commander for US forces in the Middle East told a gathering of Marines and sailors during a speech aboard the USS Bataan on Thursday they could be there for “quite a while”.

Gen. Frank McKenzie addressed the question of any near-term potential draw down of the extra forces: “we’ll work that out as we go ahead,” he said.

Underscoring the Iran constitutes a serious “threat” he admitted

“I’m not sure how long you’re going to stay in the theater. We’ll work that out as we go ahead. Could be quite a while, could be less than that, just don’t know right now.”

On the Iran threat specifically, he said further, “I do believe that they are deterred right now, at least from state-on-state actions by our response. And so I think that while that threat remains, I think we’re in a period where they’re certainly not seeking to escalate anything.”

Ironically Gen. McKenzie’s words were given a day before possibly up to one million Iraqis protested across the country Friday demanding an end of America’s military presence. 

An initial AP report merely put the anti-American forces protest at a mere “hundreds” – yet widely circulated photographs showed at least hundreds of thousands:

Later, international reports acknowledged that hundreds of thousands were protesting in major cities, especially Baghdad, after a call to action by popular Iraqi Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.

“Get Out America” signs were featured in the massive street protests:

Though hard to confirm, a top official with the Iraqi Federal Police Forces Jaffar al-Batat has announced that the total number of demonstrators who came out Friday against the US occupation exceeded one million.


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 21:30

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Martenson: The Risk Of A True Pandemic Is Higher Than We’re Being Told

Martenson: The Risk Of A True Pandemic Is Higher Than We’re Being Told

Via PeakProsperity.com,

OK, there’s a LOT of uncertainty and confusing/conflicting information currently circulating right now about the new coronavirus outbreak that has suddenly erupted out of Wuhan, China.

What’s really going on? What exactly is the ‘coronavirus’?

And most important: How worried do we need to be?

Given the poor communication so far by government health organizations and the media, the severity of the situation and the risk to public health, Chris Martenson filmed this important explanatory video hours ago.

Dr. Martenson’s PhD is in the field of pathogenic biology, so he understands the nature of this virus more than your average scientist.

In the video below, Chris explains the virus in layman’s terms, why the contagion we’re seeing is likely to spread substantially from here, and why the actions being taken so far by public health officials to contain the threat are woefully insufficient.

It’s important, maybe soon critical, to be well-informed on this outbreak. The ten minutes you spend watching this video may be the most important thing you do today:

After viewing, be sure to take prudent steps to secure the safety of your family’s health. Most measures are straightforward and inexpensive — there’s a huge upside to preparing now and a huge downside to delaying, so get busy.

Those interested can continue to follow our updated coverage on the coronavirus here.

Hopefully, authorities manage to contain this outbreak faster than it currently appears they will. But don’t bet your life on it.


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 21:00

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Yale Cancels Prestigious Art History Course For Being “Too White”

Yale Cancels Prestigious Art History Course For Being “Too White”

A story and “justification” so absurd and absolutely bonkers that we sincerely wish this was The Onion and not from the oldest college daily newspaper in the United States and at one of the nation’s most elite Ivy League schools

Yale will stop teaching a storied introductory survey course in art history, citing the impossibility of adequately covering the entire field — and its varied cultural backgrounds — in one course.

Decades old and once taught by famous Yale professors like Vincent Scully, “Introduction to Art History: Renaissance to the Present” was once touted to be one of Yale College’s quintessential classes. But this change is the latest response to student uneasiness over an idealized Western “canon” — a product of an overwhelmingly white, straight, European and male cadre of artists.

Avoid your eyes, according to Yale. Restoration work being done on Rembrandt’s “Night Watch” via The Boston Globe

So that’s it, apparently: the great masterpieces recognized as such by the entire world for generations are now tainted by their supposed “whiteness” and must be censored by the Robespierre-like mob of the “woke”. 

It’s not merely that the Western Civilization-focused “Introduction to Art History: Renaissance to the Present” class has been deleted, but the entire concept of “Western art” itself will be a focus of criticism in the multiple new ‘more culturally sensitive’ classes that will replace it. 

The Yale Daily News continues:

This spring, the final rendition of the course will seek to question the idea of Western art itself — a marked difference from the course’s focus at its inception. Art history department chair and the course’s instructor Tim Barringer told the News that he plans to demonstrate that a class about the history of art does not just mean Western art. Rather, when there are so many other regions, genres and traditions — all “equally deserving of study” — putting European art on a pedestal is “problematic,” he said.

Clearly, it also sounds like students who happen to favor the Western and European greats will be set up for de-platforming and ridicule.   

Yale campus. Image via Yale News

How long before the beautiful centuries-old campus buildings themselves will be “discovered” as part of the Western tradition of architecture? Will they survive the decades to come as the “purge” grows ever fiercer and more anti-intellectual?

In the name of “diversity” it appears assigning any level of uniqueness to a work of art which happens to have emerged from the medieval or renaissance or early modern period will immediately be shamed by the ‘woke mob’.

This follows other Yale departments in prior years attempting to purge “decolonize” their programs, especially in the English/Literature Department. We wonder how long the title “English Department” itself will be allowed to stand. 


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 20:30

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‘Shifty’ Schiff: Warmongering Stooge Of The Deep State

‘Shifty’ Schiff: Warmongering Stooge Of The Deep State

Authored by Daniel Lazare via AntiWar.com,

All the usual suspects are praising Adam Schiff’s marathon two-and-a-half-hour Senate speech on Wednesday to the skies.

Neocon columnist Jennifer Rubin calls it “a grand slam” in the Washington Post.

Legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin describes it as “dazzling” on CNN. 

Hillary Clinton: “Every American should watch this”

John Legend: “This is brilliantly argued and so compelling. Watch if you have time. Call your senators. Everyone says the outcome is predetermined. But make sure your senators hear from you if you’re moved by this. Thank you, Congressman Schiff, for standing up for what’s right.”

Debra Messing: “I am in tears. Thank you Chairman Schiff for fighting for our country.”

New York Times columnist Gail Collins says it was “a great job” and that Schiff is “a rock star” for pulling it off.

But in fact it was the opposite

a fear-mongering, sword-rattling harangue that will not only raise tensions with Russia for no good reason, but sends a chilling message to dissidents at home that if they deviate from Russiagate orthodoxy by one iota, they’ll be driven from the fold.

What is that orthodoxy?

It’s that Russia invaded poor innocent Ukraine in 2014, that it interfered in the US presidential election in 2016 in order to hurt Hillary Clinton and propel Donald Trump into the White House, and that it’s now trying to smear Joe Biden merely because he had allowed his son to take a high-paying job with a notorious Ukrainian oligarch at a time when he was supposedly heading up the Ukrainian anti-corruption effort.

As Schiff put it with regard to Donald Trump’s famous July 25 phone call urging Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to look into Biden’s activities:

“This investigation was related to a debunked conspiracy theory alleging that Ukraine not Russia interfered in the 2016 presidential election. This narrative propagated by the Russian intelligence services contends that Ukraine sought to help Hillary Clinton and harm then-candidate Trump…. This tale is also patently false and, remarkably, it is precisely the inverse of what the US intelligence community’s unanimous assessment was that Russia interfered in the 2016 election in sweeping and systemic fashion in order to hurt Hillary Clinton and help Donald Trump.”

So even though the Financial Times reported during the 2016 election campaign that the threat of a Trump victory was spurring “Kiev’s wider political leadership to do something they have never attempted before: intervene, however indirectly, in a US election,” articles like that are now down the memory hole because Schiff says they’re Russian propaganda that US intelligence agencies have determined to be false.

The same goes for arguments that it’s actually NATO’s aggressive expansion to the east that has led to a needless buildup of tensions, not Russia’s drive to the west. Recent examples include an article in the National Interest arguing that NATO has “empowered some of the most historically anti-Russian elements in that region – Ukrainian Banderites [i.e. followers of Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera], Polish nationalists, Balkan Islamists” – elements that, not unreasonably, have sparked Russia’s worst fears – or one in the Nation stating that NATO’s drang nach osten is “the primary cause for the new and very dangerous Cold War.”

Articles like those are verboten as well because they go counter to the new line that Russia is entirely to blame. Declared Schiff:

“Russia is not a threat … to Eastern Europe alone. Ukraine has become the de facto proving ground for just the types of hybrid warfare that the twenty-first century will become defined by: cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, efforts to undermine the legitimacy of state institutions, whether that is voting systems or financial markets. The Kremlin showed boldly in 2016 that with the malign skills it honed in Ukraine, they would not stay in Ukraine. Instead, Russia employed them here to attack our institutions, and they will do so again.”

As for Biden, a New York Times editorial said about his son’s unfortunate new job back in 2015:

“Sadly, the credibility of Mr. Biden’s [anti-corruption] message may be undermined by the association of his son with a Ukrainian natural-gas company, Burisma Holdings, which is owned by a former government official suspected of corrupt practices…. Burisma’s owner, Mykola Zlochevsky, has been under investigation in Britain and in Ukraine. It should be plain to Hunter Biden that any connection with a Ukrainian oligarch damages his father’s efforts to help Ukraine. This is not a board he should be sitting on.”

We must all put such sentiments behind us now Russia is seeking to “weaponize” such information, according to Schiff, and deploy it “against Mr. Biden just like it did against Hillary Clinton in 2016 when Russia hacked and released emails from her presidential campaign.” If Russia wants to weaponize it, then it’s best for the rest of us not to breathe a word of it lest people think we’ve been weaponized as well.

Bottom line: we must impeach Trump, according to Schiff’s epic presentation, not only because he’s overstepped his proper constitutional bounds, but because he’s part of a grand Russian conspiracy to spread disinformation, undercut US security, undermine faith in US intelligence agencies, and “remake the map of Europe by dent of military force.” In order to counter this all-encompassing threat, it is our patriotic duty to do the opposite by believing the CIA and redoubling US defense. If anyone tells us that Biden was guilty of a flagrant conflict of interest, we must stop up our ears because that’s what Moscow wants us to think. If anyone says that the entire Russian-interference narrative is just a silly conspiracy theory based on a paucity of facts and an abundance of paranoid speculation, we must do likewise because it’s just the Kremlin trying to worm its way into our minds.

When in doubt, just remember to bleat: America good, Russia baa-aa-aad.

But while it would be nice to dismiss this as a joke, it’s not. Schiff’s emergence as leader of the Democratic impeachment drive means that the party is re-grouping along the most retrograde Cold War lines. As reckless and appalling as Trump’s behavior is in the Persian Gulf, the emerging Democratic worldview is shaping up as no less extreme. Because it sees Russia as mounting a multi-pronged offensive, the clear implication is that the US must respond in kind. This means more troops deployments, more forces mobilized to counter Russian threats from Venezuela to the Middle East, more TV talking heads going on and on about this or that Kremlin conspiracy, and more labelling of people like Tulsi Gabbard and Jill Stein as Russian assets.

Remember, this is the Los Angeles neocon who backed the invasion of Afghanistan, the invasion of Iraq, and Saudi Arabia’s unprovoked war against Yemen, an assault that, since March 2015, has cost 100,000 lives and brought half the country to the brink of starvation. He supported Obama’s war in Libya and called for the establishment of a no-fly zone in Syria and relies on arms manufacturers and military contractors for major financial support.

But while Bernie supporters may have thought that Democrats were edging away from such views, they’re plainly in the wrong. Schiff’s new-found prominence shows that the neocons are back in the saddle. Impeachment advocates should be careful of what they wish for because the anti-Trump forces are turning out to be no less dangerous than those helping him to remain.


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 20:00

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New Research Casts Doubt Coronavirus Epidemic Started At Wuhan Food Market

New Research Casts Doubt Coronavirus Epidemic Started At Wuhan Food Market

Although practically all of the western media reports from the city of Wuhan have claimed that the city’s hospitals have been completely overwhelmed by cases of pneumonia as more cases of the Wuhan coronavirus are confirmed, the South China Morning Post reports that a team of researchers at Wuhan’s Jinyintan hospital have retraced the movements of the first individual who was diagnosed with the virus, and determined that he had no links to a shady seafood market selling live snakes and bats for human consumption.

Amazingly, SCMP caveated its report by claiming that other patients among the earliest cases had “continuous exposure to the market,” which was shut down on Jan. 1 by Wuhan authorities over fears that its trade in wild animals was linked to the viral outbreak. Authorities have since banned the selling of live animals at markets.

The researchers, seven of whom work at Wuhan’s Jinyintan hospital, designated for patients with the illness, revealed on Friday in The Lancet medical journal that symptoms of the new disease were first reported on December 1 – much earlier than the Wuhan government’s initial announcement on December 31 of 27 cases of the pneumonia-like infection.

According to the report, the first patient had no exposure to the Huanan seafood market which was shut down on January 1 over fears – later confirmed – that the new virus was linked to its trade in wild animals. The researchers added that none of the patient’s family had developed fever or any respiratory symptoms. There was also no epidemiological link between the first patient and the later cases, they found.

The researchers analysed data from 41 patients with confirmed infections who had showed an onset of symptoms up to January 2. Six of those patients died, putting the fatality rate of the group at 15 per cent. The researchers noted that clinical presentations of the patients greatly resembled severe acute respiratory syndrome.

The first patient to die from the new coronavirus had continuous exposure to the market before he was admitted to hospital with a seven-day history of fever, cough and breathing difficulties, according to their report.

Doctors also identified 13 other patients who had no contact with the market, which helps build the case for human to human transmission.

The absence of a link to the seafood market is one of the indicators for human-to-human transmission of the virus and the researchers identified another 13 patients who also had no direct exposure to the market.

“Taken together, evidence so far indicates human transmission for 2019-nCoV,” the report said. “We are concerned that 2019-nCoV could have acquired the ability for efficient human transmission,” the researchers added, along with a strong recommendation for precautions such as fit-tested N95 respirators and other personal protective equipment.

Much to Beijing’s chagrin, a team of Chinese scientists on Friday revealed that symptoms of the virus first emerged as early as Dec. 1, much earlier than the Wuhan government’s initial announcement of the first 27 cases on Dec. 31. The notion that the virus may have been transmitted to humans via consuming bats, rats, badgers or snakes was widely reported in the Western press, even by CNN.

Though the possibility of zoonotic transmission hasn’t been entirely ruled out, these researchers apparently believed that there’s reason to doubt that the fish market was the source of the virus. However, the situation is still very much in flux, and it remains true that some of the other patients did have contact with the market.

Either way, do the researchers findings lend more credence to the other conspiracy theory about the virus’s origin? Wuhan reportedly has two labs that participate in China’s bio-warfare program, as Radio Free Asia first reported, and a handful of US outlets, including the Washington Times, have picked up the story.

Was CoV manufactured by the real-world equivalent of Umbrella Corp?


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 19:30

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Federal Judge Concludes UConn Sexual Assault Hearing Likely Violated Due Process,

From Doe v. Univ. of Connecticut, decided Thursday by Judge Michael P. Shea (D. Conn.):

This case challenges the fairness of disciplinary proceedings brought against Plaintiff John Doe by the University of Connecticut (“UCONN”) for alleged sexual assault, culminating in the Plaintiff’s two-year suspension from the University…. As set forth herein, the Court grants the Plaintiff’s motion for a Temporary Restraining Order {allow[ing] him to “rejoin the class of 2020” and register for Spring classes}.

[A.] Irreparable Harm

Based on the facts alleged in the complaint, the Plaintiff’s affidavit, and the documents submitted in support of the motion, it is clear that the Plaintiff will suffer irreparable harm if he cannot enroll in UCONN this semester. The January 15, 2020 letter from UCONN to the Plaintiff states that his suspension is “effective from December 16, 2019 through January 1, 2022.” Though he may apply for readmission in 2022, his “[r]eadmission to the University is not guaranteed” and “reacceptance into your school or college is at the discretion of the school or college.” In addition, “[a] notation of Suspension shall be placed on [his] official transcript until graduation” and “[t]he University of Connecticut will not accept credits earned at another institution during a period of suspension.”

In his affidavit, the Plaintiff explains that he was “majoring in Management Information Systems in the UConn business school” and “had only one semester to go before graduating.” He was in good academic standing, with a 3.5 GPA and an unblemished record, and he held a job on campus. After the suspension, even if he is readmitted to UCONN, he would “still have to reapply to the business school to complete [his] degree.”  He avers that “[w]ith a finding of responsibility for a sex crime and a two-year gap in [his] educational record … [his] educational and career prospects are forever changed.”

Because UCONN “will not accept credits earned at another institution during a period of suspension,” “this two-year suspension stops [his] education dead in the water” and guarantees that he will have a two-year gap in his education.  He would have to explain that gap—and his sanction for a sex offense—to any educational institutions or jobs he applies for in the future.  He states that he was “beginning to apply for internships which are available only during your senior year,” and that “UConn’s actions against [him] have kept [him] from applying to internships, let alone [his] first post-college job[,] which [he] planned to take after graduating in spring 2020.”

For a college student poised to graduate in a few months, it is highly likely that a two-year suspension and a sanction for sexual assault would indeed “forever change[]” the trajectory of his education and career. If he is not permitted to enroll in the Spring 2020 semester, he would need to explain a gap on his résumé in future applications to schools or jobs. He would also need to explain the suspension notation on his UCONN transcript, and a truthful explanation would seriously hinder his prospects. During the January 23, 2020 telephonic status conference, counsel for the defendants did not offer any argument that the harm imposed by a two-year suspension would not be irreparable. I find, therefore, that the Plaintiff has demonstrated irreparable harm.

[B.] Clear Likelihood of Success on the Merits

The Plaintiff alleges, among other claims, that UCONN’s disciplinary proceedings violated his right to due process under the Fourteenth Amendment. On the record before the Court, the Plaintiff has met the heightened requirement for a mandatory injunction and has shown a clear likelihood of success on his due process claim….

On the question of “what process is due [in government administrative hearings],” the law is highly fact-specific. “The fundamental requirement of due process is the opportunity to be heard at a meaningful time and in a meaningful manner.” A court must consider three factors in determining whether due process has been satisfied: “[f]irst, the private interest that will be affected by the official action; second, the risk of an erroneous deprivation of such interest through the procedures used, and the probable value, if any, of additional or substitute procedural safeguards; and finally, the Government’s interest, including the function involved and the fiscal and administrative burdens that the additional or substitute procedural requirement would entail.”

The Plaintiff was accused of “non-consensual sexual contact and nonconsensual sexual intercourse” with a fellow UCONN student (“Jane Roe”) in Jane Roe’s dorm room on the evening of April 5, 2019. UCONN ultimately found that he did “engage[] in non-consensual sexual contact as well as … non-consensual intercourse with [Jane Roe] in [Roe’s] Residence Hall room.” The Plaintiff does not dispute that he had sexual intercourse with Jane Roe on that night, but he argues that all sexual activity between them was consensual. Because the Plaintiff and Jane Roe were the only two in the dorm room during the incident, UCONN’s finding of non-consent necessarily hinged on the credibility of both the Plaintiff and Jane Roe.

Despite the importance of credibility to the factual dispute, UCONN’s disciplinary procedures hampered the Plaintiff’s ability to present a meaningful defense on this issue. First, the Plaintiff avers in his affidavit that the hearing officers at his December 16, 2019 administrative hearing refused to hear testimony from four of the five witnesses the Plaintiff attempted to present. The evidence the Plaintiff has submitted indicates that his witnesses were prepared to offer testimony that would tend to undermine Jane Roe’s credibility.

Specifically, two witnesses were prepared to testify that Jane Roe had initiated “sexual movements” on the Plaintiff’s lap in the car on the night of April 5, 2019. ECF No. 10-5 at 5 (statement by witness “FW” that “the girl sitting on [Plaintiff’s] lap was moving like she was dancing on his lap, moving her body like moving from her waist. I didn’t want to stare at them.”); ECF No. 10-11 (statement by witness “KW” that “I could also feel the knees of the girl sitting on [Plaintiff’s] lap through the back of my seat. I could feel that she was moving back and forth. It was clear to me that these movements on [Plaintiff’s] lap were sexual. She was not just bumping my seat randomly.”). This is significant because Jane Roe specifically denied initiating any sexual movement on the Plaintiff’s lap. ECF No. 10-2 at 40 (investigator’s interview notes, indicating that he asked Jane Roe, “Information received indicated that you were rubbing your butt on the respondent’s penis while sitting on him in the back seat of the car. Can you respond to this information?” and that Jane Roe responded, “I was not.”).

The record also suggests that the Plaintiff’s proposed witnesses were prepared to testify that Jane Roe and her female friend invited the Plaintiff and one other male friend to their dorm, which would contradict Jane Roe’s written statement, which states, “one of [Plaintiff’s] visiting friends and himself suggested that they come back to my friends and I dorm …. Although my friend and I agreed to them coming over since I knew she liked [Plaintiff’s] friend, I made it a point that we can all, as a group, watch tv in my room as a way to infer that I had no intentions of doing anything sexual ….”

In contrast, the Plaintiff’s friend “JM” stated in his interview that “[Plaintiff] was going to go back to his room, but the ladies wanted me and [Plaintiff] to come back with them. They said ‘let’s chill, let’s come over to our place.’ … My friend [KW] stayed in the car because he did not have a date.” In his written statement, “KW” similarly wrote, “[Plaintiff] got out [of the car]. Both girls in the backseat called out to him to pull him back into the car. They wanted him to come back to their place…. I sure wasn’t being invited back to their dorm…. I stayed in the car and wasn’t invited in. When they left the car, the girls led [JM] and [Plaintiff] to their building. No one invited me to do anything.”

Based on this evidence, the Plaintiff’s proposed witnesses would have provided relevant testimony as to Jane Roe’s credibility, but the hearing officers allowed testimony only from “JM,” refusing to hear testimony from “FW,” “KW,” and two other witnesses proposed by the Plaintiff. “KW” was never even interviewed during the investigation, though the Plaintiff identified him as a potential witness during his interview.

Under the factors identified in Mathews v. Eldridge, although there is a “risk of an erroneous deprivation” in any case involving a “he said/she said” dispute, that risk was heightened by the procedures used here. In such a dispute, evidence bearing on credibility is critical, and thus the “probable value” of allowing these witnesses to testify, as an additional procedural safeguard, was substantial. That value easily outweighed any burden on UCONN, since the witnesses were already present at the hearing and willing to testify.

In addition to denying the Plaintiff the opportunity to present four of his five witnesses, UCONN also never gave the Plaintiff an adequate opportunity to respond to or question Jane Roe or the other female witnesses interviewed during the investigation. Under UCONN’s policy, the Plaintiff was provided with a copy of Jane Roe’s statement and notes from interviews with Roe and two other female witnesses only after the investigation was complete and the investigator had prepared recommended findings. At the hearing, only Roe testified; the other two female witnesses did not attend.

The Plaintiff, therefore, did not have the opportunity at any point in the process to propose any questions for the two female witnesses, let alone to cross-examine them. But the investigator and the hearing officers relied on the interviews of those witnesses in making their determinations. See ECF No. 10-7 at 8, 10 (investigator quoting statements from female witnesses, “S3” and “S4” in analyzing the disputed facts of the incident and concluding “there is a preponderance of the evidence that [Plaintiff] engaged in non-consensual sexual contact”). And while the Plaintiff was allowed to propose some questions for the hearing officers to ask Jane Roe, the hearing officers did not ask every question the Plaintiff proposed, according to representations by Plaintiff’s counsel during the January 23, 2020 argument. See also id. (The Plaintiff asked for a copy of any statement Roe submitted in April 2019, but UCONN did not provide it, and the hearing officers accepted Roe’s testimony that it was the “same” as her later statement without further questioning.).

In analyzing the requirements of due process in the context of university disciplinary proceedings, courts differ on the question of whether the accused has a right to cross-examine witnesses in the traditional manner. Here, however, the Plaintiff was denied even the right to respond to the accusations against him in a meaningful way, because he had no opportunity to question or confront two of Roe’s witnesses on whose statements the hearing officers chose to rely. Given UCONN’s reliance on this testimony and given the importance of credibility evidence to this factual dispute, denying the Plaintiff the opportunity to respond fully to Jane Roe and her witnesses heightened the risk of erroneous deprivation.

This case involves a severe sanction, a “he said/she said” dispute hinging on the credibility of Roe and the Plaintiff, and important procedural shortcomings in exploring the critical issue of credibility. Under these circumstances, the Plaintiff has shown a clear likelihood of success on the merits of his due process claim. See Wasson v. Trowbridge, 382 F.2d 807, 812 (2d Cir. 1967) (“We conclude, therefore, that due process only requires for the dismissal of a Cadet from the Merchant Marine Academy that he be given a fair hearing at which he is apprised of the charges against him and permitted a defense…. [T]he rudiments of a fair hearing in broad outline are plain. The Cadet must be apprised of the specific charges against him. He must be given an adequate opportunity to present his defense both from the point of view of time and the use of witnesses and other evidence.” (emphasis added)); Purdue Univ., 928 F.3d at 664 (plaintiff adequately alleged a violation of due process where, “in a case that boiled down to a ‘he said/she said,’ ” the university’s “Advisory Committee[] fail[ed] to make any attempt to examine [complainant] Jane’s credibility” even though plaintiff “identified specific impeachment evidence,” and noting that the “failure to even question Jane or John’s roommate to prove whether this evidence was reason to disbelieve Jane was fundamentally unfair to John”)….

[C.] Balance of Equities and Public Interest …

While UCONN certainly has an interest in designing and implementing its own disciplinary proceedings, the harm a TRO would inflict on UCONN is slight. It will suffer no harm if the Plaintiff enrolls and begins to take classes this Spring; UCONN’s general counsel confirmed on the January 23, 2020 telephonic status conference that UCONN would not incur any monetary harm from the Plaintiff’s enrollment in the Spring semester. The Plaintiff’s enrollment may cause some emotional harm to Jane Roe, for example, if she encounters the Plaintiff on campus. However, the Plaintiff avers that there was “no incident or conflict between” him and Roe between April 2019 and December 2019, even though they sometimes crossed paths at their jobs for the same campus employer.

Further, nothing in the record before the Court suggests that UCONN is concerned that the Plaintiff’s presence on campus might inflict particular harm on Roe: it took no action in response to Roe’s initial April 2019 allegation, and it did not institute any interim measures—such as a no-contact order—after she renewed her allegations in September 2019. Therefore, because the suspension’s harm to the Plaintiff outweighs any harm to UConn or anyone else, the balance of equities favors the issuance of a TRO that allows him to enroll and take classes while the parties litigate his motion for a preliminary injunction. An evidentiary hearing on that motion has already been scheduled for February 11, 2020.

Finally, the public interest favors a TRO to protect the Plaintiff’s constitutional right to due process while the parties litigate the preliminary injunction motion. There is a public interest in avoiding violations of constitutional rights. While there is also a public interest in enforcement of university disciplinary policies, allowing the Plaintiff to enroll in school while the Court adjudicates his motion for a preliminary injunction does not unreasonably interfere with that interest….

 

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Rabobank: What If… The Protectionists Are Right And The Free Traders Are Wrong?

Rabobank: What If… The Protectionists Are Right And The Free Traders Are Wrong?

Submitted by Michael Every of Rabobank

“When I used to read fairy tales, I fancied that kind of thing never happened, and now here I am in the middle of one!” (Alice in Wonderland, Chapter 4, The Rabbit Sends in a Little Bill)

What if… the protectionists are right and the free traders are wrong?

2020 starts with markets feeling optimistic due to a US-China trade deal and a reworked NAFTA in the form of the USMCA. However, the tide towards protectionism may still be coming in, not going out.

The intellectual appeal of the basis for free trade, Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage, where Portugal specializes in wine, and the UK in cloth, is still clearly there. Moreover, trade has always been a beneficial and enriching part of human culture. Yet the fact is that for the majority of the last 5,000 years global trade has been highly-politicized and heavily-regulated. Indeed, global free-trade only began following the abolition of the UK Corn Laws in 1846, which reduced British agricultural tariffs, brought in European wheat and corn, and allowed the UK to maximize its comparative advantage in industry. Yet it took until 1860 for the UK to fully embrace free trade, and even then the unpalatable historical record is that during this ‘golden age’, the British:

Destroyed the Indian textile industry to benefit their own cloth manufacturers;

  • Started the Opium Wars to balance UK-China trade by selling China addictive drugs;
  • Ignored the Irish Potato Famine and continued to allow Irish wheat exports;
  • Forced Siam (Thailand) to open up its economy to trade with gunboats (as the US did with Japan); and
  • Colonized much of Africa and Asia.

As we showed back in ‘Currency and Wars’, after an initial embrace of free trade, the major European powers and Japan saw that their relative comparative advantage meant they remained at the bottom of the development ladder as agricultural producers, an area where prices were also being depressed by huge US output; meanwhile, the UK sold industrial goods, ran a huge trade surplus, and ruled the waves militarily. This was politically unsustainable even though the UK vigorously backed the intellectual concept of free trade given it was such a winner from it.

Regardless, the first flowering of free trade collapsed back into nationalism and protectionism – bloodily so in 1914. Free trade was tried again from 1919 – but burned-out even more bloodily in the 1930s and 1940s. After WW2, most developed countries had moderately free trade – but most developing countries did not. We only started to reembrace global free trade from the 1990s onwards when the Cold War ended – and here it is under stress again. In short, only around 100 years in a total of 5,000 years of civilization has seen real global free trade, it has failed twice already, and it is once again coming under pressure.

What are we getting wrong? Perhaps that Ricardo’s theory has major flaws that don’t get included in our textbooks, as summarized in this overlooked quote

“It would undoubtedly be advantageous to the capitalists of England…[that] the wine and cloth should both be made in Portugal [and that] the capital and labour of England employed in making cloth should be removed to Portugal for that purpose.” Which is pretty much what happens today! However, Ricardo adds that this won’t happen because “Most men of property [will be] satisfied with a low rate of profits in their own country, rather than seek a more advantageous employment for their wealth in foreign nations,” which is simply not true at all! In other words, his premise is flawed in that:

  • It is atemporal in assuming countries move to their comparative advantage painlessly and instantly;
  • It assumes full employment when if there is unemployment a country is better off producing at home to reduce it, regardless of higher cost;
  • It assumes capital between countries is immobile, i.e., investors don’t shift money and technology abroad. (Which Adam Smith’s ‘Wealth of Nations’, Book IV, Chapter II also assumes doesn’t happen, as an “invisible hand” keeps money invested in one’s home country’s industry and not abroad: we don’t read him correctly either.);
  • It assumes trade balances under free trade – but since when has this been true? Rather we see large deficits and inverse capital flows, and so debts steadily increasing in deficit countries;
  • It assumes all goods are equal as in Ricardo’s example, cloth produced in the UK and wine produced in Portugal are equivalent. Yet some sectors provide well-paid and others badly-paid employment: why only produce the latter?

As Ricardo’s theory requires key conditions that are not met in reality most of the time, why are we surprised that most of reality fails to produce idealised free trade most of the time? Several past US presidents before Donald Trump made exactly that point. Munroe (1817-25) argued: “The conditions necessary for Free Trade’s success – reciprocity and international peace – have never occurred and cannot be expected”. Grant (1869-77) noted “Within 200 years, when America has gotten out of protection all that it can offer, it too will adopt free trade”.

Yet arguably we are better, not worse, off regardless of these sentiments – so hooray! How so? Well, did you know that Adam Smith, who we equate with free markets, and who created the term “mercantile system” to describe the national-protectionist policies opposed to it, argued the US should remain an agricultural producer and buy its industrial goods from the UK? It was Founding Father Alexander Hamilton who rejected this approach, and his “infant industry” policy of industrialization and infrastructure spending saw the US emerge as the world’s leading economy instead. That was the same development model that, with tweaks, was then adopted by pre-WW1 Japan, France, and Germany to successfully rival the UK; and then post-WW2 by Japan (again) and South Korea; and then more recently by China, that key global growth driver. Would we really be better off if the US was still mainly growing cotton and wheat, China rice and apples, and the UK was making most of the world’s consumer goods? Thank the lack of free trade if you think otherwise!

Yet look at the examples above and there is a further argument for more protectionism ahead. Ricardo assumes a benign global political environment for free trade. Yet what if the UK and Portugal are rivals or enemies? What if the choice is between steel and wine? You can’t invade neighbours armed with wine as you can with steel! A large part of the trade tension between China and the US, just as between pre-WW1 Germany and the UK, is not about trade per se: for both sides, it is about who produces key inputs with national security implications – and hence is about relative power. This is why we hear US hawks underlining that they don’t want to export their highest technology to China, or to specialize only in agricultural exports to it as China moves up the value-chain. It also helps underline why for most of the past 5,000 years trade has not been free. Indeed, this argument also holds true for the other claimed benefit of free trade: the cross-flow of ideas and technology. That is great for friends, but not for those less trusted.

Of course, this doesn’t mean liked-minded groups of countries with similar-enough or sympathetic-enough economies and politics should avoid free trade: clearly for some states it can work out nicely – even if within the EU one could argue there are also underlying strains. However, it is a huge stretch to assume a one-size-fits-all free trade policy will always work best for all countries, as some would have it. That is a fairy tale. History shows it wasn’t the case; national security concerns show it can never always be the case; and Ricardo argues this logically won’t be the case.

Yet we need not despair. The track record also shows that global growth can continue even despite protectionism, and in some cases can benefit from it. That being said, should the US resort to more Hamiltonian policies versus everyone, not just China, then we are in for real financial market turbulence ahead given the role the US Dollar plays today compared to the role gold played for Smith and Ricardo! But that is a whole different fairy tale…


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 19:00

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Federal Judge Concludes UConn Sexual Assault Hearing Likely Violated Due Process,

From Doe v. Univ. of Connecticut, decided Thursday by Judge Michael P. Shea (D. Conn.):

This case challenges the fairness of disciplinary proceedings brought against Plaintiff John Doe by the University of Connecticut (“UCONN”) for alleged sexual assault, culminating in the Plaintiff’s two-year suspension from the University…. As set forth herein, the Court grants the Plaintiff’s motion for a Temporary Restraining Order {allow[ing] him to “rejoin the class of 2020” and register for Spring classes}.

[A.] Irreparable Harm

Based on the facts alleged in the complaint, the Plaintiff’s affidavit, and the documents submitted in support of the motion, it is clear that the Plaintiff will suffer irreparable harm if he cannot enroll in UCONN this semester. The January 15, 2020 letter from UCONN to the Plaintiff states that his suspension is “effective from December 16, 2019 through January 1, 2022.” Though he may apply for readmission in 2022, his “[r]eadmission to the University is not guaranteed” and “reacceptance into your school or college is at the discretion of the school or college.” In addition, “[a] notation of Suspension shall be placed on [his] official transcript until graduation” and “[t]he University of Connecticut will not accept credits earned at another institution during a period of suspension.”

In his affidavit, the Plaintiff explains that he was “majoring in Management Information Systems in the UConn business school” and “had only one semester to go before graduating.” He was in good academic standing, with a 3.5 GPA and an unblemished record, and he held a job on campus. After the suspension, even if he is readmitted to UCONN, he would “still have to reapply to the business school to complete [his] degree.”  He avers that “[w]ith a finding of responsibility for a sex crime and a two-year gap in [his] educational record … [his] educational and career prospects are forever changed.”

Because UCONN “will not accept credits earned at another institution during a period of suspension,” “this two-year suspension stops [his] education dead in the water” and guarantees that he will have a two-year gap in his education.  He would have to explain that gap—and his sanction for a sex offense—to any educational institutions or jobs he applies for in the future.  He states that he was “beginning to apply for internships which are available only during your senior year,” and that “UConn’s actions against [him] have kept [him] from applying to internships, let alone [his] first post-college job[,] which [he] planned to take after graduating in spring 2020.”

For a college student poised to graduate in a few months, it is highly likely that a two-year suspension and a sanction for sexual assault would indeed “forever change[]” the trajectory of his education and career. If he is not permitted to enroll in the Spring 2020 semester, he would need to explain a gap on his résumé in future applications to schools or jobs. He would also need to explain the suspension notation on his UCONN transcript, and a truthful explanation would seriously hinder his prospects. During the January 23, 2020 telephonic status conference, counsel for the defendants did not offer any argument that the harm imposed by a two-year suspension would not be irreparable. I find, therefore, that the Plaintiff has demonstrated irreparable harm.

[B.] Clear Likelihood of Success on the Merits

The Plaintiff alleges, among other claims, that UCONN’s disciplinary proceedings violated his right to due process under the Fourteenth Amendment. On the record before the Court, the Plaintiff has met the heightened requirement for a mandatory injunction and has shown a clear likelihood of success on his due process claim….

On the question of “what process is due [in government administrative hearings],” the law is highly fact-specific. “The fundamental requirement of due process is the opportunity to be heard at a meaningful time and in a meaningful manner.” A court must consider three factors in determining whether due process has been satisfied: “[f]irst, the private interest that will be affected by the official action; second, the risk of an erroneous deprivation of such interest through the procedures used, and the probable value, if any, of additional or substitute procedural safeguards; and finally, the Government’s interest, including the function involved and the fiscal and administrative burdens that the additional or substitute procedural requirement would entail.”

The Plaintiff was accused of “non-consensual sexual contact and nonconsensual sexual intercourse” with a fellow UCONN student (“Jane Roe”) in Jane Roe’s dorm room on the evening of April 5, 2019. UCONN ultimately found that he did “engage[] in non-consensual sexual contact as well as … non-consensual intercourse with [Jane Roe] in [Roe’s] Residence Hall room.” The Plaintiff does not dispute that he had sexual intercourse with Jane Roe on that night, but he argues that all sexual activity between them was consensual. Because the Plaintiff and Jane Roe were the only two in the dorm room during the incident, UCONN’s finding of non-consent necessarily hinged on the credibility of both the Plaintiff and Jane Roe.

Despite the importance of credibility to the factual dispute, UCONN’s disciplinary procedures hampered the Plaintiff’s ability to present a meaningful defense on this issue. First, the Plaintiff avers in his affidavit that the hearing officers at his December 16, 2019 administrative hearing refused to hear testimony from four of the five witnesses the Plaintiff attempted to present. The evidence the Plaintiff has submitted indicates that his witnesses were prepared to offer testimony that would tend to undermine Jane Roe’s credibility.

Specifically, two witnesses were prepared to testify that Jane Roe had initiated “sexual movements” on the Plaintiff’s lap in the car on the night of April 5, 2019. ECF No. 10-5 at 5 (statement by witness “FW” that “the girl sitting on [Plaintiff’s] lap was moving like she was dancing on his lap, moving her body like moving from her waist. I didn’t want to stare at them.”); ECF No. 10-11 (statement by witness “KW” that “I could also feel the knees of the girl sitting on [Plaintiff’s] lap through the back of my seat. I could feel that she was moving back and forth. It was clear to me that these movements on [Plaintiff’s] lap were sexual. She was not just bumping my seat randomly.”). This is significant because Jane Roe specifically denied initiating any sexual movement on the Plaintiff’s lap. ECF No. 10-2 at 40 (investigator’s interview notes, indicating that he asked Jane Roe, “Information received indicated that you were rubbing your butt on the respondent’s penis while sitting on him in the back seat of the car. Can you respond to this information?” and that Jane Roe responded, “I was not.”).

The record also suggests that the Plaintiff’s proposed witnesses were prepared to testify that Jane Roe and her female friend invited the Plaintiff and one other male friend to their dorm, which would contradict Jane Roe’s written statement, which states, “one of [Plaintiff’s] visiting friends and himself suggested that they come back to my friends and I dorm …. Although my friend and I agreed to them coming over since I knew she liked [Plaintiff’s] friend, I made it a point that we can all, as a group, watch tv in my room as a way to infer that I had no intentions of doing anything sexual ….”

In contrast, the Plaintiff’s friend “JM” stated in his interview that “[Plaintiff] was going to go back to his room, but the ladies wanted me and [Plaintiff] to come back with them. They said ‘let’s chill, let’s come over to our place.’ … My friend [KW] stayed in the car because he did not have a date.” In his written statement, “KW” similarly wrote, “[Plaintiff] got out [of the car]. Both girls in the backseat called out to him to pull him back into the car. They wanted him to come back to their place…. I sure wasn’t being invited back to their dorm…. I stayed in the car and wasn’t invited in. When they left the car, the girls led [JM] and [Plaintiff] to their building. No one invited me to do anything.”

Based on this evidence, the Plaintiff’s proposed witnesses would have provided relevant testimony as to Jane Roe’s credibility, but the hearing officers allowed testimony only from “JM,” refusing to hear testimony from “FW,” “KW,” and two other witnesses proposed by the Plaintiff. “KW” was never even interviewed during the investigation, though the Plaintiff identified him as a potential witness during his interview.

Under the factors identified in Mathews v. Eldridge, although there is a “risk of an erroneous deprivation” in any case involving a “he said/she said” dispute, that risk was heightened by the procedures used here. In such a dispute, evidence bearing on credibility is critical, and thus the “probable value” of allowing these witnesses to testify, as an additional procedural safeguard, was substantial. That value easily outweighed any burden on UCONN, since the witnesses were already present at the hearing and willing to testify.

In addition to denying the Plaintiff the opportunity to present four of his five witnesses, UCONN also never gave the Plaintiff an adequate opportunity to respond to or question Jane Roe or the other female witnesses interviewed during the investigation. Under UCONN’s policy, the Plaintiff was provided with a copy of Jane Roe’s statement and notes from interviews with Roe and two other female witnesses only after the investigation was complete and the investigator had prepared recommended findings. At the hearing, only Roe testified; the other two female witnesses did not attend.

The Plaintiff, therefore, did not have the opportunity at any point in the process to propose any questions for the two female witnesses, let alone to cross-examine them. But the investigator and the hearing officers relied on the interviews of those witnesses in making their determinations. See ECF No. 10-7 at 8, 10 (investigator quoting statements from female witnesses, “S3” and “S4” in analyzing the disputed facts of the incident and concluding “there is a preponderance of the evidence that [Plaintiff] engaged in non-consensual sexual contact”). And while the Plaintiff was allowed to propose some questions for the hearing officers to ask Jane Roe, the hearing officers did not ask every question the Plaintiff proposed, according to representations by Plaintiff’s counsel during the January 23, 2020 argument. See also id. (The Plaintiff asked for a copy of any statement Roe submitted in April 2019, but UCONN did not provide it, and the hearing officers accepted Roe’s testimony that it was the “same” as her later statement without further questioning.).

In analyzing the requirements of due process in the context of university disciplinary proceedings, courts differ on the question of whether the accused has a right to cross-examine witnesses in the traditional manner. Here, however, the Plaintiff was denied even the right to respond to the accusations against him in a meaningful way, because he had no opportunity to question or confront two of Roe’s witnesses on whose statements the hearing officers chose to rely. Given UCONN’s reliance on this testimony and given the importance of credibility evidence to this factual dispute, denying the Plaintiff the opportunity to respond fully to Jane Roe and her witnesses heightened the risk of erroneous deprivation.

This case involves a severe sanction, a “he said/she said” dispute hinging on the credibility of Roe and the Plaintiff, and important procedural shortcomings in exploring the critical issue of credibility. Under these circumstances, the Plaintiff has shown a clear likelihood of success on the merits of his due process claim. See Wasson v. Trowbridge, 382 F.2d 807, 812 (2d Cir. 1967) (“We conclude, therefore, that due process only requires for the dismissal of a Cadet from the Merchant Marine Academy that he be given a fair hearing at which he is apprised of the charges against him and permitted a defense…. [T]he rudiments of a fair hearing in broad outline are plain. The Cadet must be apprised of the specific charges against him. He must be given an adequate opportunity to present his defense both from the point of view of time and the use of witnesses and other evidence.” (emphasis added)); Purdue Univ., 928 F.3d at 664 (plaintiff adequately alleged a violation of due process where, “in a case that boiled down to a ‘he said/she said,’ ” the university’s “Advisory Committee[] fail[ed] to make any attempt to examine [complainant] Jane’s credibility” even though plaintiff “identified specific impeachment evidence,” and noting that the “failure to even question Jane or John’s roommate to prove whether this evidence was reason to disbelieve Jane was fundamentally unfair to John”)….

[C.] Balance of Equities and Public Interest …

While UCONN certainly has an interest in designing and implementing its own disciplinary proceedings, the harm a TRO would inflict on UCONN is slight. It will suffer no harm if the Plaintiff enrolls and begins to take classes this Spring; UCONN’s general counsel confirmed on the January 23, 2020 telephonic status conference that UCONN would not incur any monetary harm from the Plaintiff’s enrollment in the Spring semester. The Plaintiff’s enrollment may cause some emotional harm to Jane Roe, for example, if she encounters the Plaintiff on campus. However, the Plaintiff avers that there was “no incident or conflict between” him and Roe between April 2019 and December 2019, even though they sometimes crossed paths at their jobs for the same campus employer.

Further, nothing in the record before the Court suggests that UCONN is concerned that the Plaintiff’s presence on campus might inflict particular harm on Roe: it took no action in response to Roe’s initial April 2019 allegation, and it did not institute any interim measures—such as a no-contact order—after she renewed her allegations in September 2019. Therefore, because the suspension’s harm to the Plaintiff outweighs any harm to UConn or anyone else, the balance of equities favors the issuance of a TRO that allows him to enroll and take classes while the parties litigate his motion for a preliminary injunction. An evidentiary hearing on that motion has already been scheduled for February 11, 2020.

Finally, the public interest favors a TRO to protect the Plaintiff’s constitutional right to due process while the parties litigate the preliminary injunction motion. There is a public interest in avoiding violations of constitutional rights. While there is also a public interest in enforcement of university disciplinary policies, allowing the Plaintiff to enroll in school while the Court adjudicates his motion for a preliminary injunction does not unreasonably interfere with that interest….

 

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“We All Knew About Epstein” Admits Cindy McCain – Who Did Nothing About It

“We All Knew About Epstein” Admits Cindy McCain – Who Did Nothing About It

Sen. John McCain’s widow says “everyone” knew about Jeffrey Epstein’s sex trafficking ring, but were “afraid” to do anything about it.

“Epstein was hiding in plain sight,” said McCain, during an appearance at the State of the World 2020 conference in Florida, according to the Washington Examiner.

We all knew about him. We all knew what he was doing, but we had no one that was — no legal aspect that would go after him. They were afraid of him. For whatever reason, they were afraid of him.”

McCain said a girl from her daughter’s high school was one of Epstein’s victims and that she hopes Epstein “is in hell.”

Epstein’s massive wealth and his connections to powerful politicians and celebrities allowed him to continue trafficking young women and girls long after many had exposed his devious interests.

Dr. Barbara Sampson, the New York City medical examiner, said Epstein died by suicide at a Manhattan federal detention facility last August. His death and the circumstances surrounding it have created controversy after the former medical examiner of New York, Dr. Michael Baden, told 60 Minutes that he believes Epstein was murdered. –Washington Examiner


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 18:30

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Two Iran War Votes In House Will Seek To Halt Trump Preemptive Strikes

Two Iran War Votes In House Will Seek To Halt Trump Preemptive Strikes

Authored by Jason Ditz via AntiWar.com,

While most of the focus in Congress  is on the impeachment, Congress has still found time to advance some votes relevant to the potential war with Iran, and are set for some such votes next week.

Two votes are planned in the House, and expected on Thursday. One is from Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) prohibiting any funding for a war in Iran without Congressional authorization. The second will attempt to reveal the 2002 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF).

Image via BBC

The 2002 AUMF was meant to authorize the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq. With the Hussein government long gone, many have questioned the relevance of the AUMF, though the administration has at times claimed it authorizes other wars, including military action against ISIS in “Syria or elsewhere.”

The votes are seen not only as a rebuke of Trump’s unilateral action against Iran but a win for House progressives, who have spent years seeking limits on presidential authority. The Trump administration has claimed the 2002 AUMF legally justifies military action against the Islamic State group “in Syria or elsewhere.” — Defense News

While the Iraq AUMF isn’t directly related to a possible Iran War, repealing it would go a long way toward Congress reasserting its war-making powers, and emphasizing that the authorizations aren’t open-ended after the intended war is long over, allowing them to be reinterpreted indefinitely for other operations.

The Senate is not expected to take up any of the Iran War votes this week, though the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will be given a briefing from the State Department on the matter. The State Department had previously canceled this briefing weeks ago.


Tyler Durden

Sat, 01/25/2020 – 18:00

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