Short Interest In ARK Funds Explodes After “Rock Star” Cathie Wood’s “Banner” 2020

Short Interest In ARK Funds Explodes After “Rock Star” Cathie Wood’s “Banner” 2020

Shorts are stepping in to bet against Cathie Wood and her firm, ARK Invest, in a big way. Short interest as a percentage of shares outstanding for the firm’s flagship $21 billion ARK Innovation ETF spiked to an all time high of 1.9% from just 0.3% one month ago, according to data from IHS Markit Ltd. and Bloomberg. 

Shorts are also piling into the firm’s other ETFs, including its $9.4 billion Genomic Revolution ETF and its $5.9 billion Ark Next Generation ETF. ARKK rose almost 150% in 2020 and brought in $9.6 billion in new money. 

The fund’s success in 2020 was largely tied to the parabolic move in Tesla. 

Dave Nadig of ETF Trends told Bloomberg: “You can’t expect any shortable asset to have the kind of meteoric rise ARKK has had and not attract almost mechanical short-selling. There are, quite literally, traders who have screens for ‘ETFs that went up X far over Y time’ to use as contrarian short indicators.”

ETF expert Eric Blachunas commented: “The Ark phenomenon is the first time ever that a rock-star portfolio manager has been shortable. Typically, they’re in a mutual fund or a hedge fund, which you can’t short. This is breaking new ground in a way.”

We noted just a day ago that ARK funds had seen a record inflows over $1 billion a week ago. The massive volume in ARK’s funds has continued from 2020 into 2021, as Balchunas had predicted late last year when he pointed out several reason the fund could actually become a victim of its own bloated size.

On Friday of last week, ARK funds set new inflow and turnover records, as Jim Bianco of Bianco Research pointed out on Twitter Sunday evening. ARK’s funds saw inflows of over $1 billion last Friday – something “not even Vanguard did,” Balchunas noted Monday morning. 

(all charts via @biancoresearch)

ARK’s flagship ETF, its “Innovation” ETF, saw inflows of $626.49 million on Friday, Bianco’s charts noted. Again, this was just days after we noted a $136 million outflow for the ETF.

The Innovation fund inflows helped post records for total dollar turnover, Bianco noted, as measured by the price of their ETF times their volume. The firm saw $3.43 billion in total turnover between all of its funds, with the company’s Innovation ETF shattering records and posting $1.83 billion in total dollar turnover. 

Recall, late last year we published a report highlighting Bloomberg’s ETF expert Eric Balchunas’ take on how ARK Funds could wind up becoming victims of their own success. 

Many of Balchunas’ assumptions pointed out sustained massive inflows into the ARK family of ETFs – notably its ARKK ETF – which we noted late last year was seeing inflows of hundreds of millions of dollars per day. In fact, ARK’s haul was so massive that Balchunas noted that it had a chance of taking in more cash than Blackrock in December 2020. 

“This one ETF has more in assets than the other 240 actively managed equity ETFs combined,” Balchunas wrote in late 2020. 

Tyler Durden
Tue, 01/12/2021 – 14:50

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U.S. More Than Meets Pledged Copenhagen Climate Accord Greenhouse Gas Emissions Cuts

CO2ElnurDreamstime

President Barack Obama pledged at the Copenhagen climate conference back in 2009 to cut U.S. greenhouse gas emissions by 17 percent by the year 2020. Guess what? We more than did it.

At that 2009 meeting, then-Secretary of State John Kerry assured the conference delegates that the U.S. would likely reduce its green house gas (GHG) emissions even more because in the coming years it would be so easy and cheap to cut them that “every country that has put a reductions target out there will exceed their targets.” (President-elect Joe Biden has selected Kerry to serve as a special envoy for climate, giving him a seat on the National Security Council.)

While it is true the cost of electricity from wind and solar power are falling, the bulk of U.S. emissions reductions between 2009 and 2019 stemmed from electric power generators switching from coal to natural gas. In a new report, the Rhodium Group consultancy estimates that as the result of the COVID-19 economic shock U.S. greenhouse gas emissions fell this year by 10.3 percent. “This puts US GHG emissions below 1990 levels for the first time,” notes the report. “With emissions down 21% below 2005 levels, this means the US is expected to far exceed its 2020 Copenhagen Accord target of a 17% reduction below 2005 levels.”

“The enormous toll of economic damage and human suffering as a result of the pandemic is no cause for celebration,” observes the report. “The vast majority of 2020’s emission reductions were due to decreased economic activity and not from any structural changes that would deliver lasting reductions in the carbon intensity of our economy.”

President Trump withdrew the U.S. from the Paris Climate Agreement the day after the November 2020 presidential election. Under that agreement, the Obama administration had pledged to further cut U.S. GHG emissions by 26 to 28 percent below their 2005 levels by 2025. President-elect Biden has promised to rejoin the Paris Climate Agreement on “day-one” of his administration and to set the U.S. on a path toward net-zero GHG emissions by 2050. Some recently calculated scenarios suggest that this goal is achievable, but the economic and political tradeoffs will be fierce.

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DC Attorney General Looking Into Arresting Trump And Others

DC Attorney General Looking Into Arresting Trump And Others

Authored by Jonathan Turley,

District of Columbia Attorney General Karl Racine has declared that he is considering arresting President Donald Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Rudy Giuliani and U.S. Rep. Mo Brooks with inciting the violent invasion of the U.S. Capitol.  He noted that, while the Justice Department does not believe you can charge a sitting president, he can do so in a matter of days. Ironically, I believe Trump can be indicted immediately as a constitutional matter but that his prosecution would ultimately collapse on free speech grounds.

The Justice Department itself concluded during the Clinton administration that “[n]either the text nor the history of the Constitution” is “dispositive” on this question but has rendered an internal opinion against indictments of a sitting president as a matter of “considerations of constitutional structure.”  I have long disagreed with the view that there is a constitutional barrier to indicting a sitting president.

My problem with this criminal case is not the timing of an indictment but the basis for the indictment. As I wrote earlier, the governing legal standard for violent speech is found in Brandenburg v. Ohio. As a free speech advocate, I have long criticized that 1969 case and what I consider its dangerously vague standard. However, even Brandenburg would treat Trump’s speech as protected by the First Amendment. Under that case, the government can criminalize speech that is “directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action.”

Despite widespread, justified condemnation of his words, Trump never actually called for violence or a riot. Rather, he urged his supporters to march on the Capitol to express opposition to the certification of electoral votes and to support the challenges being made by some members of Congress. He expressly told his followers “to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.”

Such electoral-vote challenges have been made by Democrats in past elections under the Electoral Count Act, and Trump was pressing Republican lawmakers to join the effort on his behalf. He stated: “Now it is up to Congress to confront this egregious assault on our democracy…And after this, we’re going to walk down – and I’ll be there with you – we’re going to walk down … to the Capitol and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women.”

He ended his speech by saying a protest at the Capitol was meant to “try and give our Republicans, the weak ones … the kind of pride and boldness that they need to take back our country. So let’s walk down Pennsylvania Avenue.” Such marches are common — on both federal and state capitols — to protest or to support actions occurring inside.

For a court, the speech notably does not include a direct call for lawless action by Trump. Instead, there was a call for a protest at the Capitol. Moreover, violence was not imminent; the vast majority of the tens of thousands of protesters present were not violent before the march, and most did not riot inside the Capitol. Like many violent protests we have witnessed over the last four years, including Trump’s 2017 inauguration, the criminal conduct was carried out by a smaller group of instigators.

Once again, I criticized the President’s speech when he was still giving it.  I opposed the challenge to the electoral votes from the outset. I praised Vice President Michael Pence for defying the President. Rather than impeachment, I have called for a vote of censure from both houses on a bipartisan basisHowever, this impeachment could cause lasting damage to our system.

If Racine was unwise enough to charge on this basis, it would at least allow for a real legal review of the claims of so many legal experts that this clearly constitutes criminal incitement. I would welcome such a review. Even if Racine could find a trial judge to allow this to go to trial, I expect it would fail quickly on appeal if based exclusively or largely on this speech.

Racine declared “Whether that comes to a legal complaint, I think we’ve got to really dig in and get all of the facts. I know I’m looking at a charge under the D.C. Code of inciting violence, and that would apply where there’s a clear recognition that one’s incitement could lead to foreseeable violence.”

Racine’s public statements heavily suggest that these individuals, including the President, have committed criminal acts.  The question is whether this was just a pandering to the public of whether he will now make those arguments in a court of law to allow for a legal challenge.

Many academics and legal experts have insisted that free speech is no barrier to such charges.  I believe that they are fundamentally wrong on the controlling law.  Often such commentary is left unchallenged because of the lack of any actual charge in court. Racine could change that, though I am not sure it will be ultimately be celebrated when these claims are tested in the court system.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 01/12/2021 – 14:37

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Pompeo Abruptly Cancels Europe Trip After EU “Extraordinary Snub” In Wake Of Capitol Unrest

Pompeo Abruptly Cancels Europe Trip After EU “Extraordinary Snub” In Wake Of Capitol Unrest

What’s being called “an extraordinary snub” to the Trump administration by EU leaders has resulted in US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo issuing a last minute cancelation of his scheduled trip to Europe which had been set for Wednesday.

Luxembourg’s foreign minister and top European Union officials declined to meet him, European diplomats and other people familiar with the matter said,” according to Reuters.

The trip was scrapped Tuesday afternoon, though Pompeo was in due to land in Brussels tomorrow, with the ostensible reason given that Pompeo would stay in Washington to aid in the transition to the Biden administration.

The nation’s top diplomat was expected to meet with Minister for Foreign Affairs Jean Asselborn in Luxembourg and other EU leaders.

“Pompeo had originally planned to go to Luxembourg, but that leg of the trip was scrapped, one diplomatic source said, after officials there showed reluctance to grant him appointments. The Brussels leg was still on until the last minute,” Reuters underscores in a report which crucially also includes:

A third diplomatic source said allies were “embarrassed” by Pompeo after the violence in Washington last week.

Indeed it appears the current social media and even financial institution frenzy to “cancel” and isolate Trump and all his closest officials is now going global

Luxembourg Foreign Affairs Minister Jean Asselborn

However, an official “update on department transition efforts and travel” simply noted that “We are expecting shortly a plan from the incoming administration identifying the career officials who will remain in positions of responsibility on an acting basis until the Senate confirmation process is complete for incoming officials.”

Because of this it said: “As a result, we are cancelling all planned travel this week, including the Secretary’s trip to Europe.”

Tyler Durden
Tue, 01/12/2021 – 14:26

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Did Trump Engage in ‘Insurrection or Rebellion’ Against the Constitution?

Trump-DC-rally-1-6-21-B

The article of impeachment against President Donald Trump that the House of Representatives is expected to approve tomorrow invokes Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, a little-discussed provision originally aimed at former Confederates. As relevant here, Section 3 says “no person” may “hold any office, civil or military, under the United States,” who, “having previously taken an oath as…an officer of the United States…to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.”

I understand why House Democrats might want to cite a specific legal provision as justification for Trump’s second impeachment after catching flak for not doing that the first time around. But I’m not sure this is a can of worms we want to open.

Under Section 3, the impeachment article charges, Trump disqualified himself from office by inciting his followers to violently obstruct the congressional affirmation of President-elect Joe Biden’s victory last Wednesday. The article also cites Trump’s “prior efforts to subvert and obstruct the certification of the results of the 2020 Presidential election,” specifically mentioning the January 2 telephone call in which he pressured Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to overturn that state’s election results.

Those actions, the article says, “threatened the integrity of the democratic system, interfered with the peaceful transition of power, and imperiled a coequal branch of Government.” Trump “thereby betrayed his trust as President, to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.”

Trump’s conduct last Wednesday, when he inflamed his followers with his oft-repeated fantasy of a stolen election and urged them to “fight like hell” against an “egregious assault on our democracy” that was about to destroy the country, was manifestly outrageous and irresponsible. At the same time, his speech, which on its face advocated nothing beyond peaceful protest, did not qualify as incitement to riot under federal law. Nor did it exceed the bounds of constitutionally protected speech as described in the 1969 Supreme Court case Brandenburg v. Ohio, which said even advocacy of illegal behavior is covered by the First Amendment unless it is not only “likely” to incite “imminent lawless action” but also “directed” at doing so.

Trump’s conversation with Raffensperger, during which he suggested that the secretary of state could face criminal prosecution if he failed to “find” the votes needed to change the outcome of Georgia’s election, was clearly an abuse of power. But it is doubtful whether it violated any criminal statutes, given Trump’s apparently sincere (though utterly groundless) belief that he was trying to correct election fraud rather than encourage it.

None of this means that Trump cannot be impeached for such conduct, since impeachment is not limited to statutory crimes (as even Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s lawyer, has conceded). But is it accurate to say that Trump “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the Constitution when he persistently pressed his delusional claim that he actually won the election by a landslide, even after all the states had certified their results?

If so, wouldn’t the Republican members of Congress who supported his cause by objecting to electoral votes for Biden without a plausible argument that they had not been properly certified also be disqualified from office by Section 3? The Washington Post reports that some Democrats “want to use the 14th Amendment against members of Congress who supported the baseless allegations that the election was stolen from Trump and the demonstrations that led to the deadly attack on the Capitol.” Section 3 expressly applies to “senator[s] or representative[s].” Under a broad reading of “insurrection or rebellion,” legislators who use fiery rhetoric while violating their oath to “support and defend the Constitution” (pretty much all of them) would be ineligible to remain in Congress.

The history of Section 3 does not illuminate its reach very much. In a recent paper that he describes as “the first detailed account of Section Three,” Indiana University law professor Gerard Magliocca says the provision “disappear[ed] from constitutional law” after the postbellum controversy over how to treat former Confederate leaders, which began with tough enforcement, followed by congressional amnesties.

But Washington Post reporter Michael Rosenwald describes a subsequent episode that should give pause to those who favor a wide interpretation of Section 3. “In 1919,” Rosenwald notes, “Congress barred Victor L. Berger, a socialist from Wisconsin, from occupying a House seat following his opposition to the United States entering World War I.” The rationale for disqualifying Berger suggests how Section 3 could be abused to punish dissenters.

A special House committee concluded that Berger, “because of his disloyalty, is not entitled to the seat to which he was elected, but that in accordance with the unbroken precedents of the House, he should be excluded from membership; and further, that having previously taken an oath as a Member of Congress to support the Constitution of the United States, and having subsequently given aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States during the World War, he is absolutely ineligible to membership in the House of Representatives under section 3 of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States.”

If speaking out against a senseless war counted as giving “aid and comfort” to America’s enemies (which tracks the Constitution’s definition of treason), what unanticipated results might flow from defining Trump’s two-month refusal to admit defeat as “insurrection or rebellion”? While alleging abuse of power or manifest unfitness for office unmoored to specific constitutional or statutory violations also creates a risk of unjustified, politically driven impeachments, the requirement of a Senate supermajority for removal is a pretty good safeguard against that danger. And the latter approach does not open the door to casting out senators or representatives based on differences of opinion.

South Texas College of Law professor Josh Blackman and Seth Barrett Tillman, a lecturer in the Department of Law at Maynooth University in Ireland, argue that Trump cannot be impeached based on his constitutionally protected speech. George Mason law professor Ilya Somin disagrees, because “high government officials don’t have a First Amendment right to be protected from firing based on their political views.” That principle, he says, “applies to presidents facing impeachment no less than other officials.”

Somin’s argument that presidents can be fired for speech that would not justify criminal prosecution comports with the more general understanding that impeachment is an appropriate remedy for serious presidential misconduct even when it does not technically violate the law. I think that is what we have in this case.

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Did Trump Engage in ‘Insurrection or Rebellion’ Against the Constitution?

Trump-DC-rally-1-6-21-B

The article of impeachment against President Donald Trump that the House of Representatives is expected to approve tomorrow invokes Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, a little-discussed provision originally aimed at former Confederates. As relevant here, Section 3 says “no person” may “hold any office, civil or military, under the United States,” who, “having previously taken an oath as…an officer of the United States…to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.”

I understand why House Democrats might want to cite a specific legal provision as justification for Trump’s second impeachment after catching flak for not doing that the first time around. But I’m not sure this is a can of worms we want to open.

Under Section 3, the impeachment article charges, Trump disqualified himself from office by inciting his followers to violently obstruct the congressional affirmation of President-elect Joe Biden’s victory last Wednesday. The article also cites Trump’s “prior efforts to subvert and obstruct the certification of the results of the 2020 Presidential election,” specifically mentioning the January 2 telephone call in which he pressured Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to overturn that state’s election results.

Those actions, the article says, “threatened the integrity of the democratic system, interfered with the peaceful transition of power, and imperiled a coequal branch of Government.” Trump “thereby betrayed his trust as President, to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.”

Trump’s conduct last Wednesday, when he inflamed his followers with his oft-repeated fantasy of a stolen election and urged them to “fight like hell” against an “egregious assault on our democracy” that was about to destroy the country, was manifestly outrageous and irresponsible. At the same time, his speech, which on its face advocated nothing beyond peaceful protest, did not qualify as incitement to riot under federal law. Nor did it exceed the bounds of constitutionally protected speech as described in the 1969 Supreme Court case Brandenburg v. Ohio, which said even advocacy of illegal behavior is covered by the First Amendment unless it is not only “likely” to incite “imminent lawless action” but also “directed” at doing so.

Trump’s conversation with Raffensperger, during which he suggested that the secretary of state could face criminal prosecution if he failed to “find” the votes needed to change the outcome of Georgia’s election, was clearly an abuse of power. But it is doubtful whether it violated any criminal statutes, given Trump’s apparently sincere (though utterly groundless) belief that he was trying to correct election fraud rather than encourage it.

None of this means that Trump cannot be impeached for such conduct, since impeachment is not limited to statutory crimes (as even Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s lawyer, has conceded). But is it accurate to say that Trump “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the Constitution when he persistently pressed his delusional claim that he actually won the election by a landslide, even after all the states had certified their results?

If so, wouldn’t the Republican members of Congress who supported his cause by objecting to electoral votes for Biden without a plausible argument that they had not been properly certified also be disqualified from office by Section 3? The Washington Post reports that some Democrats “want to use the 14th Amendment against members of Congress who supported the baseless allegations that the election was stolen from Trump and the demonstrations that led to the deadly attack on the Capitol.” Section 3 expressly applies to “senator[s] or representative[s].” Under a broad reading of “insurrection or rebellion,” legislators who use fiery rhetoric while violating their oath to “support and defend the Constitution” (pretty much all of them) would be ineligible to remain in Congress.

The history of Section 3 does not illuminate its reach very much. In a recent paper that he describes as “the first detailed account of Section Three,” Indiana University law professor Gerard Magliocca says the provision “disappear[ed] from constitutional law” after the postbellum controversy over how to treat former Confederate leaders, which began with tough enforcement, followed by congressional amnesties.

But Washington Post reporter Michael Rosenwald describes a subsequent episode that should give pause to those who favor a wide interpretation of Section 3. “In 1919,” Rosenwald notes, “Congress barred Victor L. Berger, a socialist from Wisconsin, from occupying a House seat following his opposition to the United States entering World War I.” The rationale for disqualifying Berger suggests how Section 3 could be abused to punish dissenters.

A special House committee concluded that Berger, “because of his disloyalty, is not entitled to the seat to which he was elected, but that in accordance with the unbroken precedents of the House, he should be excluded from membership; and further, that having previously taken an oath as a Member of Congress to support the Constitution of the United States, and having subsequently given aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States during the World War, he is absolutely ineligible to membership in the House of Representatives under section 3 of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States.”

If speaking out against a senseless war counted as giving “aid and comfort” to America’s enemies (which tracks the Constitution’s definition of treason), what unanticipated results might flow from defining Trump’s two-month refusal to admit defeat as “insurrection or rebellion”? While alleging abuse of power or manifest unfitness for office unmoored to specific constitutional or statutory violations also creates a risk of unjustified, politically driven impeachments, the requirement of a Senate supermajority for removal is a pretty good safeguard against that danger. And the latter approach does not open the door to casting out senators or representatives based on differences of opinion.

South Texas College of Law professor Josh Blackman and Seth Barrett Tillman, a lecturer in the Department of Law at Maynooth University in Ireland, argue that Trump cannot be impeached based on his constitutionally protected speech. George Mason law professor Ilya Somin disagrees, because “high government officials don’t have a First Amendment right to be protected from firing based on their political views.” That principle, he says, “applies to presidents facing impeachment no less than other officials.”

Somin’s argument that presidents can be fired for speech that would not justify criminal prosecution comports with the more general understanding that impeachment is an appropriate remedy for serious presidential misconduct even when it does not technically violate the law. I think that is what we have in this case.

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New World Record Set For Shipping Rates: $350,000 Per Day

New World Record Set For Shipping Rates: $350,000 Per Day

By Greg Miller of FreightWaves.com,

It has never been more expensive to get a container of goods across the ocean. But it’s not just containers. Liquified natural gas (LNG) shipping is also rewriting the record books.

Argus reported that BP has just employed the ship LNG Abalamabie for $350,000 per day. That makes it the most expensive vessel charter in maritime history, surpassing the $300,000-per-day peak previously recorded in the very large crude carrier (VLCC) segment.

What’s different about the LNG record — compared to container and crude shipping highs — is that LNG deals remain extremely profitable for cargo shippers.

The cost of LNG in Asia is now so much higher than the cost in the U.S. that shippers can pocket massive profits even when paying record rates to transport cargoes from the Atlantic to the Pacific Basin.

When the VLCC sector hit its pinnacle, crude transport costs reached the point where they erased refiners’ margins; refiners stopped booking cargoes and rates fell back. In the container sector, rates appear to be near the point where they erase importer profit margins. Some importers may even be transporting goods they will have to sell at a loss, because the alternative is to halt imports and lose market share to competitors.

In LNG shipping, there is plenty of room for rates to rise and for shippers and traders to still profit on the cargo move.

The problem — similar to what is happening in the container sector — is that there are not enough LNG ships in existence to handle demand.

Why LNG shipping rates are so high

Clarksons Platou Securities explained, “The Platts Far East assessment surpassed $21 per MMBtu [million British thermal units] at the end of last week, which compares to U.S. Henry Hub natural gas prices below $2 per MMBtu. This has fueled LNG spot vessel demand, leading to rates above $300,000 per day. While the rate jumps off the page, the freight cost equates to around $5.50 per MMBtu — well within the wide $18 per MMBtu spread between the regions,” said Clarksons.

Clarksons assessed average rates for modern two-stroke LNG carriers at $215,000 per day. At this time last year, rates for a comparable ship were $103,000 per day. But some shippers cannot find vessels to load even when offering to pay Guinness Book rates.

According to Argus, “A number of U.S. offtakers opted to turn down February volumes in December, because of an inability to find the vessels to load their contractual cargoes. Offtakers that opted not to turn down their February volumes are now finding themselves with cargoes that they cannot find the tonnage [for].”

How long could rate spike last?

In the case of container shipping, COVID has supercharged rates as consumers switch purchasing from services to goods. In the case of LNG, shipping rates have been driven up by extreme winter weather in Asia (LNG is used to generate power for heating), LNG production outages in Asia and Panama Canal congestion.

According to Stifel shipping analyst Ben Nolan, “The tightness …will doubtless ease with moderating weather. However, we believe the fact that prices are as high as they are is indicative of stronger underlying demand even after seasonal adjustments.”

According to Jefferies analyst Randy Giveans, “We expect LNG carrier spot rates will remain robust during Q1 2021 as the arb [arbitrage] window remains open.”

Newbuilds in the pipeline

Toby Dunipace, head of gas at brokerage SSY, is bearish on the prospects beyond Q1. One reason for concern is the large wave of newbuildings about to be delivered.

Unlike the container industry, where ordering has been low, the LNG orderbook is prodigious. Alphaliner estimated that the container-ship orderbook represents just 10.4% of the capacity of the on-the-water fleet. According to Clarksons, the orderbook-to-fleet ratio in LNG shipping is more than double that, at 26.1%.

In SSY’s annual outlook released Monday, Dunipace warned, “The [LNG] market will more than likely slide during March at the latest, when a significant amount of LNG newbuildings are delivered. Newbuildings will continue to deliver through Q2 and Q3 and ships also come off time charter during this period. Overall, the market projections are very bearish for Q2 and Q3 2021.”

Spot exposure, right place, right time

In the near term, listed LNG companies with ships in the spot market or with variable-rate time charters stand to benefit.

On the Nov. 17 conference call, Flex LNG CEO Øystein Kalleklev reported that his company has three ships on fixed time charters, three on variable hire and four in the spot market. Flex LNG’s share price is up 68% over the past six months.

Golar LNG has less exposure to current rates, as well as significant non-LNG exposure. Iain Ross, Golar’s CEO, said on the company’s Nov. 30 call, “We do have ships on index-linked charters and a couple of ships that could potentially be in the spot market. But the vast majority of the fleet is on a fixed-rate structure, some of it up to a year and some slightly longer.”

On Nov. 10, GasLog LNG reported that half of its ships were in the short-term or spot market, or had variable charters.

But even for companies with spot exposure, it ultimately comes down to timing.

A round-trip voyage from the U.S. to Asia takes two to three months. Very few LNG carriers are on spot, unemployed and in the right position to take advantage of today’s unprecedented rates.

The same dynamic held true in the VLCC market in October 2019 and March 2020. Headlines blared about the highest reported rate. Yet only a handful of owners had tankers in position to actually earn the rates in the headlines.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 01/12/2021 – 14:05

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The Senate May Hold an Impeachment Trial After President Trump Leaves Office

Some have argued that it is futile or pointless for the House to consider impeaching President Trump again because it would be impossible (and perhaps unfair) to have a rushed trial prior to he leaves office on January 20. These arguments are understandable, but they are also wrong.

The claim that Congress loses the power to impeach and convict a federal officer once they have left office is belied by history and precedent. The Senate has conducted multiple impeachment trials of individuals who had left office. As Professors Brian Kalt and Frank Bowman wrote in the Washington Post:

the history, structure, rationale and application of the Constitution’s impeachment clauses provide powerful evidence for “late impeachability.” This evidence includes precedents: cases in which the House has impeached and the Senate has tried people who had already left office.

We also believe that, while impeaching someone who has left office is usually pointless, in some cases — perhaps including Trump’s — it may serve important national interests. . . .

The two most important reasons to pursue a late impeachment are, first, to deter presidents’ misbehavior during their waning days in office, and second, to permanently remove them from public life if their conduct suggests they would pose a continuing danger to the country if they ever returned to a position of national authority.

Impeachment represents an important disincentive to presidential misconduct. It would be odd to think that such misconduct was no longer worth deterring once the president was a lame duck. But that would be the effect of declaring misconduct unimpeachable if it’s committed late enough in the term.

Impeachment—like criminal punishment—can serve several different purposes. One purpose is retributive, to punish bad acts. Another purpose is protective, to prevent the wrongdoer from committing additional wrongs and to protect the republic. This latter purpose is antiseptic and, where there is an ongoing threat, can justify taking more rapid or expeditious action than if the purpose is simply retributive. And if the purpose is to make clear that certain conduct is unacceptable, and should disqualify someone from holding future federal office, an impeachment trial can be held after that person leaves office.

 

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Judge Grants Temporary Stay Halting First Federal Execution of a Woman in 70 Years

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A federal judge has ordered a stay preventing the Department of Justice from executing death row prisoner Lisa Montgomery today.

Even though William Barr stepped down as attorney general before Christmas, and even though President Donald Trump is in his office sulking, plans to execute more prisoners during the last days of the administration are still moving forward.

Montgomery is the only woman among the death row inmates the Justice Department scheduled for execution. Montgomery was convicted of choking a pregnant woman to death in 2004, then cutting the baby out of the woman’s body to pass it off as her own. The child survived, and Montgomery was convicted and sentenced to death by a unanimous jury. If the execution were to happen, she’d be the first female prisoner put to death by the federal government since 1953.

But her attorneys have argued that she suffers severe mental illness, a result of long-term sexual abuse at the hands of her stepfather, who was encouraged by her mother. Montgomery’s older sister has come forward to validate Montgomery’s claims and to detail the sexual abuse she also endured when the two of them were children.

Montgomery’s defense attorneys argue that her current mental state is so unstable that she no longer understands why the federal government seeks to execute her, and doing so would therefore violate her constitutional rights. Her attorneys brought in three experts, including a retired Federal Bureau of Prisons psychiatrist who used to treat her, to testify that her mental state is such that she cannot understand what’s happening to her.

Monday evening, U.S. District Judge James Patrick Hanlon for the Southern District of Indiana ruled that Montgomery’s lawsuit would likely succeed on the merits. Hanlon granted a motion to stay for a subsequent hearing to determine her mental competency.

Kelley Henry, Montgomery’s attorney, sent out a prepared statement that read in part, “Mrs. Montgomery has brain damage and severe mental illness that was exacerbated by the lifetime of sexual torture she suffered at the hands of caretakers. The Eighth Amendment prohibits the execution of people like Mrs. Montgomery who, due to their severe mental illness or brain damage, do not understand the basis for their executions. Mrs. Montgomery is mentally deteriorating and we are seeking an opportunity to prove her incompetence.”

The Justice Department is appealing the ruling, but if it holds, Hanlon’s order will likely prevent Montgomery from being executed before the end of Trump’s term. President-elect Joe Biden, a former supporter of the death penalty, now opposes it (and so does the Democratic Party platform). Even if a subsequent hearing leads to a judge giving the feds clearance to execute her, Biden may (and should!) commute her sentence to life in prison.

Montgomery is not the only death row inmate facing imminent execution in the last days of the Trump administration. Corey Johnson and Dustin Higgs have been scheduled for execution on Thursday and Friday, respectively. The two men tested positive for COVID-19 in December after an outbreak among staff and prisoners at the Terre Haute prison complex. Attorneys for Johnson and Higgs are trying to get injunctions blocking their executions in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, arguing that executing the two men while they’re struggling with respiratory issues due to their COVID-19 infections would likely cause additional pain, violating their Eighth Amendment rights.

A judge hasn’t yet ruled on those requests, and the clock is ticking.

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“A Break Of This Level Will Trigger Colossal Selling…”

“A Break Of This Level Will Trigger Colossal Selling…”

FANG Stocks have plunged to two-month lows…

And ahead of this week’s option-expirations, the S&P seems pinned around its critical Gamma level of 3800…

And as SpotGamma notesrealized volatility is further coiled ahead of the large expiration. This volatility could manifest in either SPX price direction as we “unpin” the 3800 level. The VIX (24) remains well above post Covid lows (20) indicating the market is pricing in higher forward volatility as well.

And Treasury yields continue to push higher…

All of which could be potential catalysts for a big move in Growth/Value, as The Bear Traps Report warns:

West Coast CIO: Keep an eye on the ratio IWF / IWD (Russell 1k growth to value) and its major neckline…

We’ve touched this multiple times in the last 8 months.

If we break this level, growth equities are in big trouble, Tesla is of course a huge weight in the Growth ETF.

You want to short this ratio on a break, very good risk/reward technically. Short with a 2% stop, with a 12% target on the ratio. (This comes from one of the most knowledgeable tech/growth equity managers we know, very important).

This neckline has held as each of the growth to value tremors have picked up with the intensity, a break will trigger colossal selling.

We look for volatility to arrive next week as large positions roll off Friday.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 01/12/2021 – 13:47

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