Tesla Jumps After Beating On Sales And Earnings; Reports Record Free Cash Flow

Tesla Jumps After Beating On Sales And Earnings; Reports Record Free Cash Flow

Tyler Durden

Wed, 10/21/2020 – 16:21

Heading into today’s Tesla earnings call, a question in this case posed by GLJ’s Gordon Johnson, has emerged: do TSLA’s earnings tonight even matter? As Johnson responds, “not really. Why? Well, Consensus is calling for 31c/shr in EPS for TSLA in 3Q20. What’s key is ~16c/shr of this, or ~$200mn, is one-time credit sales which go away at the end of this year, and thus do not deserve a multiple… you put a multiple on recurring profit, not one-time profit. So TSLA’s core biz of making cars appears set to do around 15c/shr in EPS, or ~60c/shr annualized. That’s a P/E ratio of ~700x at TSLA’s stock price today. That means TSLA’s EPS should grow at a 700% CAGR over the next (at least) 5yrs.”

Johnson then asks “Is this realistic” and answers that “of the 505 companies in the S&P 500, NONE OF THEM have grown earnings at a 700% CAGR over the past five years. Conclusion? TSLA is grossly overvalued, and a 10-20c/shr beat/miss is meaningless. Stated differently, at a ~700x P/E ratio, TSLA is not being priced to perfection… it’s being priced to impossibility.”

Why is this important? Because as the GLJ strategist continues, 2020 YTD EV sales in the EU (the world’s most competitive EV market) are up ~100% y/y, yet TSLA’s sales are down -14% y/y 2020 YTD.” In other words, not only is TSLA losing share, but they aren’t seeing growth in the world’s most important EV market of Europe. Meanwhile, in China, which is supposed to be TSLA’s major growth market, TSLA’s sales have been below production in each of the past 3 months, and their NEV market share in China has fell from 20.1% in Mar. 2020 to 7.9% in Sep. 2020. And, all of this has occurred despite TSLA cutting the price of its cars ~13 times this year (the price of a made-in-China [“MIC”] Model 3 in China is down 30% YTD). In fact, TSLA is now shipping MIC Model 3 cars to the EU, showing demand in China simply doesn’t exist despite cutting the price of the car 30% YTD,

Of course, not everyone will agree, and for those who do care about earnings, here is a snapshot of what Wall Street consensus expects for the third quarter.

Source: Tesla Daily’s Rob Maurer via the @TeslaPodcast

Meanwhile, after sending its stock soaring in the first half of the year, option traders appear to be taking a back seat: according to Bloomberg, volatility in the electric-car maker has been plunging after a flurry of retail investor demand contributed to a surge in options prices over the summer. Ten-day realized volatility has dropped to about 36, down 50% from its one-month level of 72, and there are signs that retail interest may be waning, according to Alon Rosin, Oppenheimer’s head of institutional equity derivatives.

Looking at the options, the current at-the-money straddle suggests shares will move 7.8% in conjunction with the report. That’s in line with the average move of 7.8% over the last eight reports, when declines outpaced rallies at a rate of 5-to-3.

So with all that in mind, here is what Tesla just reported for the second quarter:

  • Q3 GAAP EPS of $76 cents, up 105% from $0.37 a year ago, and beating expectations of 55 cents
  • Q3 Revenue of $8.77BN, 39% Y/Y, and also beating the $8.26BN estimate.
  • Q3 Adjusted Net Income $874MM, up 156% Y/Y however, as in the previous quarter, nearly half of this was thanks to regulatory credits of $397MM
  • Q3 Free Cash of $1.95BN, vs Exp. cash burn of $1.1BN

What is bizarre is that for a company that is valued more than most other automakers in the world combined on its prospective growth, and is larger than both the entire US and European auto sector, one would expect far more revenue growth even after this quarter’s bounce:

Full breakdown of Q3 results:

One big surprise in the report was Tesla’s free cash flow, which soared from 418MM in Q2 to a record $1.395BN in Q3, surprising Wall Street which expected $1.1BN in FCF

Thanks to positive free cash flow and the company’s equity offering in the quarter, cash grew impressively to $14.5 billion, up almost $6BN from the previously quarter, which means that Tesla will have no issues meeting debt maturities.

So what was the market’s verdict? In kneejerk reaction Tesla stock is higher but only modestly so compared to previous post-earnings spikes, and was last trading at $437/share, back to levels last seen just 3 days ago.

Developing

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3o8xrRn Tyler Durden

Is A Trump ‘Surprise’ Victory In The Offing?

Is A Trump ‘Surprise’ Victory In The Offing?

Tyler Durden

Wed, 10/21/2020 – 16:20

Authored by Tom Del Beccaro, op-ed via FoxNews.com,

As November 3 approaches, many prognosticators are trying to convince Americans that former Vice President Joe Biden is a lock to win the presidency. Of course, they said the same about Hillary Clinton’s chances in 2016 and it didn’t come to pass. Just as in 2016, there are tea leaves, if you will, indicating that President Trump will win again.

Here are ten of those tea leaves:

1. Pennsylvania Voter Registration

American presidential elections are decided by the Electoral College as President Trump and Joe Biden both know. 

In 2016, Pennsylvania and its 20 Electoral College votes were key to President Trump’s victory. He won Pennsylvania by a slim 44,292 votes out of nearly 6 million. That November, the Democrats had nearly a 900,000 voter registration advantage over the Republicans. That number is now down to a 700,000 registration advantage and has narrowed by 100,000 in the last year.

No one can logically say that improves the Democrats’ chances to win Pennsylvania in 2020.

2. Florida, too.

In 2008, Democrats held nearly a 700,000 voter registration advantage and Barack Obama carried the state by 236,148 votes. By 2012 that advantage slipped to 558,272 registrations and Obama won there by 74,309 votes.

In 2016, Democrats had a 327,483 registration advantage and Trump carried the state by 112,991 votes. 

Now the Democrats’ voter registration advantage is down nearly 200,000 to just a 134,242 lead, which Politico called a “historic low.”

Obviously, the movement towards Republicans bodes well for the president.

3. Latinos for Trump.

Trump could well receive a historic level of support from Latino Voters in 2020. In Florida, a NBC/Marist poll had Trump leading among Latinos 50% to 46% over Biden, whereas, in 2016, Hillary won among Latinos in Florida 62% to 35%. That would be a 15% swing toward Trump if it held up on Election Day.

After the first debate between Biden and Trump, a Telemundo poll showed Trump winning the debate overwhelmingly 66% to 34%. Snap media polls tend to reflect the sentiment of their viewers. Thus, it is no surprise that CNN viewers said Biden won the debate. The fact that Telemundo viewers decisively picked Trump as the winner, along with polls like those cited above in Florida, portend Trump getting the highest ever Latino support of any Republican presidential candidate.

4. African Americans For Trump. 

In September, according to polling done by Rasmussen, Trump’s approval rating among African Americans reached 45%. Keep in mind that President Trump only received 8% of the Black vote in 2016. If Trump received just 16% of the Black vote this November, let alone an even higher number, that would all but secure states like Michigan for Trump.

5. Biden the Tax Increaser.

Candidates who promise tax increases, or have a history of supporting tax increases, tend to lose versus those pushing for tax cuts.

President Jimmy Carter lost to challenger Ronald Reagan, Walter Mondale lost to President Reagan, Michael Dukakis lost to George H.W. Bush 41 and then 41 lost his reelection after his tax increase became a reality. George W. Bush beat Al Gore and then John Kerry.

Barack Obama promised to reduce taxes and he beat John McCain who was not a tax cutter. Obviously, President Trump offered tax cuts while running against, and beating, Hillary Clinton.

Joe Biden, on the other hand, is pushing for the largest tax increase in history.

Advantage Trump.

6. Enthusiasm Matters.

As the New York Post has reported, “just 46 percent of Biden voters in a recent Pew poll said that they strongly support him, compared to 66 percent of Trump’s base.”

That is a 20 point gap. In 2016, Trump had only a 13 point gap over Hillary. That increase of 7% bodes well for Trump, not Biden.

7.  Early Voting in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Ohio.

National polling from Pew Research indicates that “55% of voters who plan to cast their ballot in person before Election Day support Biden, compared to 40% who support President Trump.” 

However, in the key battleground states of Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin the early voting indicates that “registered Republicans are returning ballots at about the same rate as registered Democrats.” The parties are even in Michigan, Democrats up 2% in Wisconsin and the Republicans up 2% in Ohio.

8. American Voters Are More Satisfied in 2020 than they were in 2016

A new Gallup poll shows that 56% of Americans say they are better off now than they were four years ago. That could well be the telling in this case given that just four years ago marked the end of the Biden vice presidency. Why would voters return to Biden if they are happier now than when he was in office?

9. Party Identification.

According to Gallup, by the end of September, when the polling firm asked voters this question, “In politics, as of today, do you consider yourself a Republican, a Democrat or an independent?” the answer came back as follows: 28% said Republican, 27% said Democrat and 42% said independent.

That is meaningful because many of the polls giving Biden the lead appear to be sampling more Democrats than Republicans – sometimes by a wide margin. Also, in 2016, Gallup had Democrats up 32% to 27% but, as we know, Trump still won.

10.  Voters Think Trump Will Win.

In the Trump era, there has been a lot of talk about whether Trump supporters feel free to tell pollsters that they are supporting the president’s reelection. Some experts point to polls asking voters who they believe will win the election to be a truer indication of candidate support.

Once again this bodes well for President Trump as a “Gallup poll shows only 40% of Americans think Biden will win the election; 56% predict a Trump victory.”

*  *  *

So, who will win the 2020 presidential election?

We don’t know yet and only time will tell but polls that say Biden is way ahead could be under-polling Republican participation like they did in 2016 when they said Hillary was up by 14% just a week before the election.

Stronger evidence of where voter sentiment lies is included in the tea leaves above. 

So, too, is the fact that Republicans have been working the door-to-door ground game in important states whereas Democrats have only just started to do so.

All of this indicates that President Trump may well surprise his doubters on November 3rd and win again.

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ACB on RAP

The Rule of Perpetuities is the bane of all property students. I teach it, but do not test it. But, it seems that at least one law student excelled with RAP, as it is known.

Professor Doug Kmiec taught Amy Coney property as a 1L at Notre Dame. He recalls her excellent class performance:

I was privileged to teach Amy Coney Barrett in her first year of law school at Notre Dame. Then, as now, she displayed determination and intellectual preparation over many areas of law. I recall during one discussion about the rule against perpetuities in a property law class, when many students wanted to avoid participation, her hand popped up and she deftly answered a battery of textbook applications before suggesting, respectfully, how the casebook author missed an aspect of the problem. Students everywhere delight in besting the teacher, but her discernment was so unpretentious, persuasive and clear that it drew admiration from the entire class.

Judge Barrett’s demeanor during law school reflects her demeanor during the hearing: “[Nominees] everywhere delight in besting the [Senators], but her discernment was so unpretentious, persuasive and clear that it drew admiration from the entire [Congress].”

Brava! Every now and then a student finds an error in my textbook. I always celebrate the occasion, and praise the student.

 

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Cop’s Libel Claim Over Amazon-Distributed Free Meek Documentary Can Go Forward

From today’s decision in Williams v. ROC Nation, LLC, by Judge Eduardo C. Robreno (E.D. Pa.):

Plaintiff’s claims arise from Free Meek, a five-part documentary series created, produced, and published by Defendants. The 2019 series explores rapper Meek Mill’s experience with the Philadelphia criminal justice system. During the fourth episode, entitled Filthadelphia, investigative reporter Paul Solotaroff discusses the Philadelphia District Attorney’s “Do Not Call List,” which identifies police officers with histories of arrests, disciplinary actions, or providing false testimony. According to the Complaint, the District Attorney directed prosecutors not to call some of the officers on the list as witnesses in criminal prosecutions.

Solotaroff states: “Now there is a new District Attorney in town, and just the last couple of months we have been learning from the District Attorney’s Office about a list of dirty and dishonest cops.” Attorney Bradley Bridge, a well-known attorney for the Defender Association of Philadelphia, also provides commentary on the “Do Not Call List,” stating, “The DA’s Office generated a specific list that has 66 names of police officers on it. There have been findings by the police department that the officers have lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court.”

During Bridge’s commentary, an image of Plaintiff is briefly displayed on the screen. Plaintiff, who served as a Philadelphia police officer from 2010 until 2017, appeared on the “Do Not Call List” because she had previously been arrested and charged with assault, possession of an instrument of crime, and recklessly endangering another person after drawing her firearm during an off-duty confrontation. In February 2019, a jury acquitted Plaintiff of all charges stemming from the off-duty incident. According to Plaintiff, neither the Philadelphia Police Department nor the Office of the Philadelphia District Attorney ever found that she “lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court.”

Plaintiff alleges that juxtaposing her image with Bridge’s comments and with photographs of officers placed on the “Do Not Call List” as a result of their dishonest conduct communicates the false implication that she is a “dirty, corrupt, immoral, and dishonest” police officer who lied to internal affairs, to other officers, and/or in court. Her claims in the instant action arise from this display of her image….

Plaintiff’s defamation claim relies on a theory of defamation by implication. Pennsylvania law permits such a theory where “the words utilized themselves are not defamatory in nature” but “the context in which the[] statements are issued creates a defamatory implication.”

Taken as true, the facts alleged in Plaintiff’s Complaint state a claim for defamation. Plaintiff plausibly alleges the juxtaposition of her image with Bridge’s statement that “[t]here have been findings by the police department that the officers have lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court,” creates an implication that tends to harm her reputation——i.e., that she was placed on the list because she is dishonest. Defendants do not dispute that they published the communication. Further, the allegedly defamatory implication results from the display of Plaintiff’s photograph and therefore applies to her. Plaintiff plausibly alleges that a reasonable viewer would both understand the defamatory implication and would understand that it applies to her. Finally, she plausibly alleges injuries resulting from the alleged defamation.

In a suit involving defamation of a public official where the challenged statements relate to official conduct, a plaintiff must also establish that the defendant acted with “actual malice” in publishing the statement. It is uncontested that Plaintiff is a public official for the purposes of First Amendment analysis, and that the challenged statements concern her role as a police officer.

In an ordinary defamation case, actual malice is defined as “knowledge that [the defamatory statement] was false or … reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.” However, the Third Circuit has held that the actual malice standard has an additional element in defamation-by-implication cases. Kendall v. Daily News Publ’g Co. (3d Cir. 2013). In such cases, “the alleged defamatory statement has two possible meanings, one that is defamatory and one that is not.” Therefore, a plaintiff must demonstrate not only that the defendant “either knew that the defamatory meaning of their statement was false or were reckless in regard to the defamatory meaning’s falsity,” but also that the defendant intended to communicate the defamatory implication. To satisfy this “communicative intent” element, a plaintiff must demonstrate “that the defendant either intended to communicate the defamatory meaning or knew of the defamatory meaning and was reckless in regard to it.” This inquiry is “subjective [in] nature” and “requires that there be some evidence showing, directly or circumstantially, that the defendants themselves understood the potential defamatory meaning of their statement.”

Defendants … argue that the broader context of the documentary belies a finding of actual malice. Specifically, they cite the documentary’s inclusion of a 6ABC television news clip in which an anchor explains that officers are placed on the “Do Not Call List” for offenses including “assault, drug dealing, mishandling evidence, [and] lying to authorities.” Defendants also highlight that the documentary displays the snippet from the Inquirer article containing the actual reason Plaintiff was placed on the list.

While Defendants may pursue the argument that this context precludes a finding of actual malice before the fact finder, the argument fails at the motion-to-dismiss stage…. Plaintiff satisfies the “falsity” element by plausibly alleging that Defendants knew the defamatory implication was false because they possessed the Philadelphia Inquirer article detailing the true reason for her inclusion on the “Do Not Call List” (i.e, her arrest for an off-duty confrontation) and in fact featured that article in the documentary.

With respect to the “communicative intent” element, Plaintiff plausibly alleges that Defendants either intended to communicate the defamatory implication or knew of the defamatory implication and were reckless in regard to it. Specifically, she avers that although Defendants knew of the true reason for Plaintiff’s placement on the “Do Not Call List,” they chose to juxtapose her image with audio describing the officers on the list as having “lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court.” The snippet from the article detailing the reason for Plaintiff’s inclusion on the list appears in small print and scrolls rapidly on the screen, making it virtually unreadable and undermining Defendants’ argument that the article’s inclusion belies a finding of actual malice. For these reasons, Plaintiff adequately pleads actual malice…..

Under Pennsylvania law, the tort of false light invasion of privacy “imposes liability on a person who publishes material that ‘is not true, is highly offensive to a reasonable person, and is publicized with knowledge or in reckless disregard of its falsity.'” … Plaintiff’s Complaint states a claim for false light [for the same reason that it states a claim for defamation]….

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Virginia Passes Bill To Make it Harder for Problem Cops To Jump to New Departments

policelights_1161x653

The Virginia Assembly passed a slate of police reform bills last Friday, including legislation making it easier to decertify police officers—a crucial step in making sure officers fired for serious misconduct can’t easily jump to another department.

Under the new legislation, expected to be signed into law by Democratic Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam, a state board that oversees police will create a standard of conduct for officers in the state, and the board will have more power to strip officers of their certification if they commit a crime or violate those standards. 

The bill’s passage follows an August Virginian-Pilot investigation that found three dozen officers convicted of crimes since 2011 were never decertified.

In the wake of the police killing of George Floyd and national demands for policing reform, cities and states around the country are considering rolling back the broad protections—created and maintained through the intense lobbying of police unions—that make it difficult in many cases to fire rotten cops.

The Baltimore Sun reported last week that a working group of Maryland lawmakers recommended that the state legislature repeal the Maryland Law Enforcement Officers’ Bill of Rights when it reconvenes next year. Maryland was the first state in the nation to pass a “bill of rights” for police in 1974, legislation that would soon be mimicked by many other states. Maryland’s current law allows officers to wait five days before speaking with internal affairs investigators and expunges misconduct complaints after a certain period.

The repeal effort will face concerted opposition from police unions, who have successfully scuttled similar efforts elsewhere. The California legislature considered a bill this summer that would have given the state a way to decertify police officers, but pressure from police unions killed it. California currently has no power to permanently strip an officer’s badge.

Meanwhile, the Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police is suing the city council and mayor to block legislation that would make the police union’s collective bargaining process more transparent.

As Reason‘s Peter Suderman wrote in our October issue on police reform, “That is what police unions do: defend the narrow interests of police as employees, often at the expense of public safety.” 

Among the other police reform bills passed by the Virginia legislature were provisions that allow local governments to establish civilian review boards and bar police from initiating a traffic stop search if they allegedly smell marijuana—one of the most notorious and subjective methods that police use to establish probable cause for a search.

However, police groups managed to limit or kill bills they deemed too extreme, such as one creating a statutory duty for officers to report misconduct by other police. 

“At the end of the day, we didn’t make out so bad,” John Jones, director of the Virginia Sheriffs’ Association, told the Virginia Mercury.

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Stocks Chop On Stimulus Slop, Bitcoin Jumps, Dollar Dumps

Stocks Chop On Stimulus Slop, Bitcoin Jumps, Dollar Dumps

Tyler Durden

Wed, 10/21/2020 – 16:00

The algos were busy today… buying on every mention of the words “hope” or “optimism” and selling at technical resistance as once again nothing happened…

Small Caps are the week’s biggest loser for now…

Maybe it’s time to “not play” for a while… or is the FOMO just too strong?

But elsewhere in markets, there was lots of action.

The dollar dumped to its lowest since Sept 1st…

Source: Bloomberg

The dollar weakness has helped send China’s yuan to its strongest since 2018 (against a broad basket of currencies)…

Source: Bloomberg

And as the dollar dropped, Bitcoin popped, topping $12,900 – the highest since July 2019 (helped by reports that PayPal will integrate crypto)…

Source: Bloomberg

Bitcoin had decoupled yesterday but today’s PayPal news sent the rest of the crypto space higher too…

Source: Bloomberg

Treasury yields rose once again, led by the long-end (30Y +3bps)…

Source: Bloomberg

This is the 5th day in a row that yields have risen, pushing 10Y above 80bps (NOTE most of the selling was in the Asia session)…

Source: Bloomberg

…to its highest since June (NOTE these 5-day spikes have tended to reverse quickly)…

Source: Bloomberg

Rates are seemingly rising in line with the odds of a Biden win in the election…

Source: Bloomberg

And as the odds of a “blue wave” rise are steepening the yield curve…

Source: Bloomberg

Notably, real yields are on the rise once again but gold has decoupled from its historical negative correlation…

Source: Bloomberg

WTI tumbled back to $40 intraday after a bigger than expected gasoline build…

As the dollar dropped, gold popped, with futs back above $1930…

Silver futures pushed back above $25…

Finally, we note that Greed is back…

And as Goldman warns, so is fear as Vol remains significantly elevated after the election…

Markets are currently not just pricing in an increase in volatility around Election Day, but also a sustained high-volatility environment thereafter – both in the post-election period and in the long run. Does that sound like an environment to be buying every dip at record highs?

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/35iI63a Tyler Durden

ACB on RAP

The Rule of Perpetuities is the bane of all property students. I teach it, but do not test it. But, it seems that at least one law student excelled with RAP, as it is known.

Professor Doug Kmiec taught Amy Coney property as a 1L at Notre Dame. He recalls her excellent class performance:

I was privileged to teach Amy Coney Barrett in her first year of law school at Notre Dame. Then, as now, she displayed determination and intellectual preparation over many areas of law. I recall during one discussion about the rule against perpetuities in a property law class, when many students wanted to avoid participation, her hand popped up and she deftly answered a battery of textbook applications before suggesting, respectfully, how the casebook author missed an aspect of the problem. Students everywhere delight in besting the teacher, but her discernment was so unpretentious, persuasive and clear that it drew admiration from the entire class.

Judge Barrett’s demeanor during law school reflects her demeanor during the hearing: “[Nominees] everywhere delight in besting the [Senators], but her discernment was so unpretentious, persuasive and clear that it drew admiration from the entire [Congress].”

Brava! Every now and then a student finds an error in my textbook. I always celebrate the occasion, and praise the student.

 

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“Piles Of Stolen Mail On The Side Of The Road”: Ballot Thefts Reported In Two Portland-Metro Suburbs

“Piles Of Stolen Mail On The Side Of The Road”: Ballot Thefts Reported In Two Portland-Metro Suburbs

Tyler Durden

Wed, 10/21/2020 – 15:45

New reports of stolen mail, including election ballots, are surfacing in the Portland-metro area.

Resident Stephanie Prendergast told KGW8 that when she returned to her home on Sunday her mail and her ballot were both gone. Other neighbors who had checked their mail on Saturday found their ballots, but those who waited until Sunday couldn’t find theirs.  

“I noticed upon pulling up to our house that our mailbox was open. There was some junk mail, but no ballot,” she said.

Prendergast continued: “I think we’ve kind of entrusted that our mail is fine and our vote is fine. I would just really encourage people to not be lazy— go get your mail. We might be looking into a locked mailbox in the future.”

Not too far away, in Camas, there were similar incidents. 

Police said that neighbors reported finding “piles of stolen mail on the side of the road”, including 9 election ballots. Two residents had police deliver their ballots to their door after they were recovered. 

A Camas resident who wanted to stay anonymous said: “I just said, ‘What? My ballots were stolen?! I was upset but I was very thankful that [the officer] brought them back to us.”

Local police said that over the weekend, someone in Camas broke into four community mailboxes. One neighbor’s camera caught a possible suspect, who was driving a white four door sedan. 

Camas Police Sgt. Scot Boyles said: “We’re trying to really let the neighborhoods know to be vigilant about their community mailboxes. Know who your neighbors are, know who’s supposed to be around, and if you see someone who looks suspicious call 911.”

Boyles said police have investigated ten reports of mail theft this year, most centered around community mailboxes. He said the reports are common and that he didn’t think the latest case was politically motivated. 

“This fits the same pattern of our other mail thefts. If this was politically motivated, I think that the suspects would have damaged the ballots or made them unusable. In this case they left them sealed and threw them on the side of the road,” he concluded.

Meanwhile, Prendergast awaits a replacement ballot. She concluded: “It just feels like this shouldn’t have been complicated, and now it’s complicated.”

You can watch KGW8’s report here:

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/31tWnZS Tyler Durden

Cop’s Libel Claim Over Amazon-Distributed Free Meek Documentary Can Go Forward

From today’s decision in Williams v. ROC Nation, LLC, by Judge Eduardo C. Robreno (E.D. Pa.):

Plaintiff’s claims arise from Free Meek, a five-part documentary series created, produced, and published by Defendants. The 2019 series explores rapper Meek Mill’s experience with the Philadelphia criminal justice system. During the fourth episode, entitled Filthadelphia, investigative reporter Paul Solotaroff discusses the Philadelphia District Attorney’s “Do Not Call List,” which identifies police officers with histories of arrests, disciplinary actions, or providing false testimony. According to the Complaint, the District Attorney directed prosecutors not to call some of the officers on the list as witnesses in criminal prosecutions.

Solotaroff states: “Now there is a new District Attorney in town, and just the last couple of months we have been learning from the District Attorney’s Office about a list of dirty and dishonest cops.” Attorney Bradley Bridge, a well-known attorney for the Defender Association of Philadelphia, also provides commentary on the “Do Not Call List,” stating, “The DA’s Office generated a specific list that has 66 names of police officers on it. There have been findings by the police department that the officers have lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court.”

During Bridge’s commentary, an image of Plaintiff is briefly displayed on the screen. Plaintiff, who served as a Philadelphia police officer from 2010 until 2017, appeared on the “Do Not Call List” because she had previously been arrested and charged with assault, possession of an instrument of crime, and recklessly endangering another person after drawing her firearm during an off-duty confrontation. In February 2019, a jury acquitted Plaintiff of all charges stemming from the off-duty incident. According to Plaintiff, neither the Philadelphia Police Department nor the Office of the Philadelphia District Attorney ever found that she “lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court.”

Plaintiff alleges that juxtaposing her image with Bridge’s comments and with photographs of officers placed on the “Do Not Call List” as a result of their dishonest conduct communicates the false implication that she is a “dirty, corrupt, immoral, and dishonest” police officer who lied to internal affairs, to other officers, and/or in court. Her claims in the instant action arise from this display of her image….

Plaintiff’s defamation claim relies on a theory of defamation by implication. Pennsylvania law permits such a theory where “the words utilized themselves are not defamatory in nature” but “the context in which the[] statements are issued creates a defamatory implication.”

Taken as true, the facts alleged in Plaintiff’s Complaint state a claim for defamation. Plaintiff plausibly alleges the juxtaposition of her image with Bridge’s statement that “[t]here have been findings by the police department that the officers have lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court,” creates an implication that tends to harm her reputation——i.e., that she was placed on the list because she is dishonest. Defendants do not dispute that they published the communication. Further, the allegedly defamatory implication results from the display of Plaintiff’s photograph and therefore applies to her. Plaintiff plausibly alleges that a reasonable viewer would both understand the defamatory implication and would understand that it applies to her. Finally, she plausibly alleges injuries resulting from the alleged defamation.

In a suit involving defamation of a public official where the challenged statements relate to official conduct, a plaintiff must also establish that the defendant acted with “actual malice” in publishing the statement. It is uncontested that Plaintiff is a public official for the purposes of First Amendment analysis, and that the challenged statements concern her role as a police officer.

In an ordinary defamation case, actual malice is defined as “knowledge that [the defamatory statement] was false or … reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.” However, the Third Circuit has held that the actual malice standard has an additional element in defamation-by-implication cases. Kendall v. Daily News Publ’g Co. (3d Cir. 2013). In such cases, “the alleged defamatory statement has two possible meanings, one that is defamatory and one that is not.” Therefore, a plaintiff must demonstrate not only that the defendant “either knew that the defamatory meaning of their statement was false or were reckless in regard to the defamatory meaning’s falsity,” but also that the defendant intended to communicate the defamatory implication. To satisfy this “communicative intent” element, a plaintiff must demonstrate “that the defendant either intended to communicate the defamatory meaning or knew of the defamatory meaning and was reckless in regard to it.” This inquiry is “subjective [in] nature” and “requires that there be some evidence showing, directly or circumstantially, that the defendants themselves understood the potential defamatory meaning of their statement.”

Defendants … argue that the broader context of the documentary belies a finding of actual malice. Specifically, they cite the documentary’s inclusion of a 6ABC television news clip in which an anchor explains that officers are placed on the “Do Not Call List” for offenses including “assault, drug dealing, mishandling evidence, [and] lying to authorities.” Defendants also highlight that the documentary displays the snippet from the Inquirer article containing the actual reason Plaintiff was placed on the list.

While Defendants may pursue the argument that this context precludes a finding of actual malice before the fact finder, the argument fails at the motion-to-dismiss stage…. Plaintiff satisfies the “falsity” element by plausibly alleging that Defendants knew the defamatory implication was false because they possessed the Philadelphia Inquirer article detailing the true reason for her inclusion on the “Do Not Call List” (i.e, her arrest for an off-duty confrontation) and in fact featured that article in the documentary.

With respect to the “communicative intent” element, Plaintiff plausibly alleges that Defendants either intended to communicate the defamatory implication or knew of the defamatory implication and were reckless in regard to it. Specifically, she avers that although Defendants knew of the true reason for Plaintiff’s placement on the “Do Not Call List,” they chose to juxtapose her image with audio describing the officers on the list as having “lied to internal affairs, to other police officers, or in court.” The snippet from the article detailing the reason for Plaintiff’s inclusion on the list appears in small print and scrolls rapidly on the screen, making it virtually unreadable and undermining Defendants’ argument that the article’s inclusion belies a finding of actual malice. For these reasons, Plaintiff adequately pleads actual malice…..

Under Pennsylvania law, the tort of false light invasion of privacy “imposes liability on a person who publishes material that ‘is not true, is highly offensive to a reasonable person, and is publicized with knowledge or in reckless disregard of its falsity.'” … Plaintiff’s Complaint states a claim for false light [for the same reason that it states a claim for defamation]….

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Venue, People with Two Homes, and Commentator / Retired Judge Andrew Napolitano

From today’s decision in Corbishley v. Napolitano, by Judge Vernon S. Broderick:

Plaintiff Charles Corbishley brought suit in this Court on September 11, 2020, under diversity jurisdiction. Plaintiff argues that venue is proper is this District under 28 U.S.C. § 1391(b)(1) because Defendant resides in New York City, and does not identify any other reason why venue would be proper in this District.

The Complaint alleges four counts brought under New Jersey Stat. § 2A:14-2b. According to the Complaint, Defendant, then a New Jersey Superior Court Judge presiding over a case in which Corbishley was a criminal defendant, sexually assaulted Corbishley at a residence in Hackensack, New Jersey, in or around December 1988. [Judge Napolitano immediately sued Corbishley in a separate case,] alleging that Plaintiff’s allegations in his Complaint and statements to the press and public through counsel and agents amount to defamation against Napolitano….

Section 1406 [of Title 28 of the U.S. Code] provides that “[t]he district court of a district in which is filed a case laying venue in the wrong division or district shall dismiss, or if it be in the interest of justice, transfer such case to any district or division in which it could have been brought.” … [Title] 28 U.S.C. § 1391 … determines that “[a] civil action may be brought in—

“(1) a judicial district in which any defendant resides, if all defendants are residents of the State in which the district is located;

“(2) a judicial district in which a substantial part of the events or omissions giving rise to the claim occurred, or a substantial part of property that is the subject of the action is situated; or

“(3) if there is no district in which an action may otherwise be brought as provided in this section, any judicial district in which any defendant is subject to the court’s personal jurisdiction with respect to such action.”

For purposes of § 1391(b)(1), “a natural person … shall be deemed to reside in the judicial district in which that person is domiciled.”

The essence of the dispute between the parties concerns which judicial district Napolitano “resides” in for purposes of § 1391(b)(1). Plaintiff does not contest that nearly all of the events giving rise to the causes of action occurred in New Jersey, the Complaint does not reference § 1391(b)(2) as a basis for venue, and Plaintiff’s opposition papers do not argue that venue would be proper under § 1391(b)(2)…. [I]in assessing whether venue is proper under § 1391(b)(1), I must determine where Defendant is domiciled.

“Although a person may have more than one residence, she may only have one domicile at any one time.” “Domicile is established initially at birth and is presumed to continue in the same place, absent sufficient evidence of a change. To effect a change of domicile, ‘two things are indispensable: First, residence in a new [domicile]; and, second, the intention to remain there. The change cannot be made, except facto et animo. Both are alike necessary. Either without the other is insufficient.'” In other words, if a person is domiciled in a particular location, that location remains his domicile “whenever he is absent” so long as “he has the intention of returning.” “In determining domicile … courts consider factors including voting registration, employment, current residence, location of real and personal property, location of spouse and family, driver’s license, automobile registration, tax payment and addresses, and location of a person’s bank account and physician.”

The parties agree that Napolitano owns two homes—one in Sussex County, New Jersey, and one in Manhattan—and that he typically spends at least some nights each week staying at each home. However, Napolitano offers significant evidence that even if he is at times absent, he has “the intention to remain” in Sussex County. Napolitano asserts in his declarations that he has: (1) a New Jersey’s driver’s license; (2) a New Jersey firearm license, and (3) that he pays taxes, is registered to vote, and has all four of his vehicles registered and insured in New Jersey. Napolitano also states that he owns and operates a farm in New Jersey through a New Jersey corporation with a New Jersey bank account. In addition, his church and all his doctors are located in New Jersey. Finally, Napolitano also swears that he “intend[s] to stay [in Sussex County] into retirement and beyond.”

In opposition, Plaintiff’s strongest evidence is a declaration from an individual who asserts that Napolitano personally told him at times between 2014-2017 “that he lives and works in Manhattan (5) five days a week” and “that he goes to his New Jersey home only on the weekends.” The assertions in the declaration are in tension with Napolitano’s assertions in his declarations that he has “always” spent at least half his time at his home in Sussex County, that he “spend[s] far fewer than 180 days or nights of the year at the New York City apartment,” and that his Sussex County home has been his “primary residence since May 2001.”

The remainder of Plaintiff’s factual arguments provide little help to his New York residency argument. Plaintiff provides a declaration from a private investigator who claims that an “onsite Manager who identified himself as Keith” at the New York City building where Napolitano’s apartment is located told him that “Napolitano lives here and that he sometimes goes for the weekend to a farm in New Jersey.” Assuming for these purposes that the investigator’s declaration is admissible, it is only marginally probative—the investigator provides no indication of how well, if at all, the manager knows Napolitano or his schedule, and Napolitano already admits that he “lives” at the apartment at times during the week.

Plaintiff also notes Napolitano’s employment at Fox News, whose studios are located in Manhattan, and as a visiting law professor at Brooklyn Law School. Napolitano, however, asserts that he has not worked at Brooklyn Law School since 2017, when he only worked there two days per week. These facts are also of limited probative value since Napolitano readily admits that he spends a certain portion of his time in New York City, but asserts that he spends more than half his time at his New Jersey residence and does not work at the Fox studios on Fridays.

Ultimately, the parties’ main factual disagreement—over the precise amount of time Napolitano spends in each place—is not determinative in the domicile analysis. Regardless of where Napolitano primarily resides, the uncontested evidence—demonstrating that (1) he is registered to vote, drive, and own firearms in New Jersey, (2) he owns and operates a farm in New Jersey, (3) his vehicles are registered and insured in New Jersey, (4) he pays taxes in New Jersey, and (5) his physicians and church are located in New Jersey—strongly corroborate his claim that he intends to remain in New Jersey for the indefinite future. In light of all these undisputed and tangible connections to his home in New Jersey, it is mostly inconsequential and not material whether he spends more of his time at one home or the other.

Because Defendant is domiciled in New Jersey, and nearly all the events giving rise to suit occurred outside this District, venue is improper under §1391(b)(1) and § 1391(b)(2). Venue is proper in the District of New Jersey—both under § 1391(b)(1), because Napolitano resides in New Jersey, and under § 1391(b)(2), because the alleged events took place in New Jersey.

Therefore, because there exists a different district in which this suit can properly be brought, venue is also improper in this District under § 1391(b)(3). With Plaintiff unable to satisfy any of the options under § 1391(b), I must transfer this case to the District of New Jersey pursuant to § 1406(a).

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