Was the L.A. District Attorney’s Husband Acting in Self-Defense When He Threatened to Shoot Protesters on His Porch?

David-Lacey-pointing-gun

If you were jolted awake at 5 a.m. by an angry clamor in front of your house, followed by a ring of the doorbell, you probably would be alarmed. You might even grab a gun. That’s what David Lacey, husband of Los Angeles County District Attorney Jackie Lacey, did on March 2, when Black Lives Matter activists came to the couple’s home for a predawn protest. But what he did next resulted in three misdemeanor assault charges that California Attorney General Xavier Becerra’s office announced this week: Lacey pointed the gun at three protesters, told them to get off his porch, and threatened to shoot them if they didn’t.

The incident is broadly similar to the June 28 encounter that led to felony charges against Mark and Patricia McCloskey, who brandished guns in response to Black Lives Matter protesters passing by their house in a private neighborhood of St. Louis. In both cases, the gun wielders claim to have acted in self-defense based on fears that were reasonable in the circumstances. But since the Laceys are black, the Los Angeles incident does not fit the easy narrative of privileged white people who are irrationally fearful of dark-skinned demonstrators. It is therefore a useful opportunity to consider the legal principles that distinguish between assault and self-defense, uncolored by charges of racial prejudice.

Unlike the McCloskeys, who happened to live along the shortcut that protesters took on the way to St. Louis Mayor Lyda Krewson’s house, Jackie Lacey was the intended target of the demonstrators in Los Angeles, who say they were at her home to demand a meeting about her handling of excessive force allegations against police officers. But unlike the St. Louis protesters, who were trespassing on a private street, the vast majority of the 30 or so drum-banging, bullhorn-amplified L.A. protesters stayed on public property as three of them approached the front door of the Laceys’ house and rang the bell. Such an unsolicited visit, while obnoxious given the hour, is not inherently illegal.

Once David Lacey opened the door, he had every right to demand that the activists leave, just as any homeowner would have the right to turn away an unwanted salesman, missionary, or propagandist. The question is whether he had a right to point his gun at the people on his porch and threaten to shoot them. “Get off of my porch,” he says in the cellphone video of the incident while pointing a handgun at the protesters. “Are you gonna shoot me?” asks Melina Abdullah, co-founder the local Black Lives Matter chapter. “I will shoot you,” Lacey replies. “Get off of my porch.”

According to California’s jury instructions regarding assault with a deadly weapon, a defendant cannot be convicted if he acted “in self-defense” or “in defense of another.” That exception applies when the defendant used or threatened force because he “reasonably believed” he or someone else was “in imminent danger of suffering bodily injury”; “reasonably believed that the immediate use of force was necessary to defend against that danger”; and “used no more force than was reasonably necessary.” California does not require someone who faces such a threat to retreat from the confrontation, and deadly force is presumptively legitimate when used against someone who “unlawfully and forcibly” entered one’s home (which, assuming the protesters did nothing more than ring the bell and ask to speak with the D.A., does not describe this case).

Jackie Lacey, who is in the midst of a heated re-election race against former San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón and has been the target of weekly demonstrations at her office by protesters demanding her resignation, says her husband’s reaction was understandable in light of the “harassment” the couple had suffered prior to the incident. “My husband acted in fear for my safety after we were subjected to months of harassment that included a death threat no less than a week earlier,” she said on Tuesday in a statement from her re-election campaign. “Protesters arrived at my house shortly after 5 a.m. while I was upstairs. My husband felt that we were in danger and acted out of genuine concern for our well-being.”

Carl Douglas, an attorney representing Abdullah, says that explanation is “laughable” because the Laceys could see via their doorbell camera that the protesters were unarmed. Abdullah, who chairs the Department of Pan-African Studies at Cal State L.A., adds that Jackie Lacey knew her and the two other protesters, although it’s not clear whether her husband recognized them. “I would think that if you’re afraid you would stay in the house and call the police because you were in fear,” Abdullah told the Los Angeles Times. “They weren’t in fear. They were agitated.”

While the case does hinge partly on the distinction between anger and fear, the Laceys, assuming they were reasonably afraid, were under no obligation to cower in their house and wait for the police. David Lacey might have thought that pointing his gun at the uninvited guests was necessary to eliminate the threat he perceived. The question is whether a jury will agree that his perception was not only sincere but reasonable.

Abdullah notes that state prosecutors, who are handling the case to avoid a conflict of interest, could have charged David Lacey with felonies rather than misdemeanors. Assault with a firearm is a “wobbler” offense that can be charged as a misdemeanor punishable by up to a year in jail or as a felony punishable by up to four years in prison. Abdullah says the choice of misdemeanor charges suggests that Lacey is receiving preferential treatment because his wife is the D.A.

Loyola law professor Laurie Levenson, a former federal prosecutor, disagrees. Although she does not condone Lacey’s behavior, she thinks felony charges would be excessive in this case.

In an interview with the Los Angeles Times, Levenson noted several mitigating factors—including the earlier threats against Lacey’s wife, the fact that he was confronted at his home, and his clean criminal record—that might have influenced the decision to file misdemeanor charges. “I don’t know whether he is thinking particularly clearly at 5 a.m. when people are on his doorstep and there has been increasing harassment of his wife,” she said. “It’s easy to say he shouldn’t have been so afraid, he should have called the police, he made an unwise decision. But making an unwise decision doesn’t always end up with a felony or even a criminal charge.”

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Trump’s TikTok, WeChat Ban Won’t End Up Blocking Fortnite and League of Legends

leagueoflegends_1161x653

After President Donald Trump put out a pair of executive orders banning transactions with the Chinese companies that own the popular communication apps TikTok and WeChat, people familiar with Tencent, the Chinese company that owns WeChat, started pointing out that Tencent outright owns or has major stakes in many high-profile U.S.-based video game companies. Did this mean, they asked, that some of the most popular games in the world are going to get banned in the United States?

Tencent owns the U.S.-based Riot Games, publisher of League of Legends, one of the most popular online competitive games. It owns 40 percent of Epic Games, publisher of the online gaming juggernaut Fortnite. It holds significant stakes in game companies that are probably less well-known to non-gamers, but suffice it to say that if you play video games online, it’s extremely likely that you’ve at some point been playing a game that Tencent has a stake in.

Here’s the vague and weird wording of the executive order as it pertains to Tencent:

The following actions shall be prohibited beginning 45 days after the date of this order, to the extent permitted under applicable law: any transaction that is related to WeChat by any person, or with respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, with Tencent Holdings Ltd. (a.k.a. Téngxùn Kònggǔ Yǒuxiàn Gōngsī), Shenzhen, China, or any subsidiary of that entity, as identified by the Secretary of Commerce (Secretary) under section 1(c) of this order.

It looks at first that it only bans WeChat—which is bad enough. We absolutely should not accept the idea that the White House has the authority for a blanket order banning citizens from using media platforms. If it thinks these tools are a national security risk, it can stop (and apparently has stopped) the government’s own employees and contractors from using them.

But the paragraph also ropes in “any subsidiary of that entity,” which naturally made people start asking whether that covers the games that Tencent either owns outright or has major stakes in.

The White House says the answer is no: An official has told the Los Angeles Times that this order only bans WeChat. What the executive order actually says is that the secretary of commerce will decide which transactions will be subject to these rules. So as far as it’s possible to determine from the wording of the document, the WeChat order won’t ban these video game companies…as long as the secretary of commerce doesn’t include them.

We can be fairly confident that he won’t. Riot Games was formed in Los Angeles before it was sold to Tencent, and it employs more than 1,000 people here in the United States. Banning video games would cost thousands of American jobs. It would have devastating effects for the U.S. economy (especially during this pandemic) and would face extremely high public resistance.

Nevertheless, this confusion shows both how little the Trump administration grasps any number of issues around technology, communications, and the global economy and why executive orders are just a terrible tool for managing them.

After all: If data mining, surveillance, and censorship are reasons to justify the TikTok and WeChat bans, why wouldn’t games with Chinese connections be excluded? Video game companies also collect lots of data about their users, data that can be used to surveil people’s behavior. They are also communication platforms, and they can get tangled up in censorship. Just last year, the video game company Activision Blizzard (of which Tencent owns 5 percent) landed in controversy when it suspended a professional Hearthstone gamer for showing support for Hong Kong protesters. The relationship between game companies and the Chinese government has, in fact, become a big topic for debate among gamers, much in the same way that movies being edited or altered for Chinese distribution is a discussion among film folks.

These are complex matters that can’t be addressed by a simple executive order. Especially this mess of an executive order.

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Was the L.A. District Attorney’s Husband Acting in Self-Defense When He Threatened to Shoot Protesters on His Porch?

David-Lacey-pointing-gun

If you were jolted awake at 5 a.m. by an angry clamor in front of your house, followed by a ring of the doorbell, you probably would be alarmed. You might even grab a gun. That’s what David Lacey, husband of Los Angeles County District Attorney Jackie Lacey, did on March 2, when Black Lives Matter activists came to the couple’s home for a predawn protest. But what he did next resulted in three misdemeanor assault charges that California Attorney General Xavier Becerra’s office announced this week: Lacey pointed the gun at three protesters, told them to get off his porch, and threatened to shoot them if they didn’t.

The incident is broadly similar to the June 28 encounter that led to felony charges against Mark and Patricia McCloskey, who brandished guns in response to Black Lives Matter protesters passing by their house in a private neighborhood of St. Louis. In both cases, the gun wielders claim to have acted in self-defense based on fears that were reasonable in the circumstances. But since the Laceys are black, the Los Angeles incident does not fit the easy narrative of privileged white people who are irrationally fearful of dark-skinned demonstrators. It is therefore a useful opportunity to consider the legal principles that distinguish between assault and self-defense, uncolored by charges of racial prejudice.

Unlike the McCloskeys, who happened to live along the shortcut that protesters took on the way to St. Louis Mayor Lyda Krewson’s house, Jackie Lacey was the intended target of the demonstrators in Los Angeles, who say they were at her home to demand a meeting about her handling of excessive force allegations against police officers. But unlike the St. Louis protesters, who were trespassing on a private street, the vast majority of the 30 or so drum-banging, bullhorn-amplified L.A. protesters stayed on public property as three of them approached the front door of the Laceys’ house and rang the bell. Such an unsolicited visit, while obnoxious given the hour, is not inherently illegal.

Once David Lacey opened the door, he had every right to demand that the activists leave, just as any homeowner would have the right to turn away an unwanted salesman, missionary, or propagandist. The question is whether he had a right to point his gun at the people on his porch and threaten to shoot them. “Get off of my porch,” he says in the cellphone video of the incident while pointing a handgun at the protesters. “Are you gonna shoot me?” asks Melina Abdullah, co-founder the local Black Lives Matter chapter. “I will shoot you,” Lacey replies. “Get off of my porch.”

According to California’s jury instructions regarding assault with a deadly weapon, a defendant cannot be convicted if he acted “in self-defense” or “in defense of another.” That exception applies when the defendant used or threatened force because he “reasonably believed” he or someone else was “in imminent danger of suffering bodily injury”; “reasonably believed that the immediate use of force was necessary to defend against that danger”; and “used no more force than was reasonably necessary.” California does not require someone who faces such a threat to retreat from the confrontation, and deadly force is presumptively legitimate when used against someone who “unlawfully and forcibly” entered one’s home (which, assuming the protesters did nothing more than ring the bell and ask to speak with the D.A., does not describe this case).

Jackie Lacey, who is in the midst of a heated re-election race against former San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón and has been the target of weekly demonstrations at her office by protesters demanding her resignation, says her husband’s reaction was understandable in light of the “harassment” the couple had suffered prior to the incident. “My husband acted in fear for my safety after we were subjected to months of harassment that included a death threat no less than a week earlier,” she said on Tuesday in a statement from her re-election campaign. “Protesters arrived at my house shortly after 5 a.m. while I was upstairs. My husband felt that we were in danger and acted out of genuine concern for our well-being.”

Carl Douglas, an attorney representing Abdullah, says that explanation is “laughable” because the Laceys could see via their doorbell camera that the protesters were unarmed. Abdullah, who chairs the Department of Pan-African Studies at Cal State L.A., adds that Jackie Lacey knew her and the two other protesters, although it’s not clear whether her husband recognized them. “I would think that if you’re afraid you would stay in the house and call the police because you were in fear,” Abdullah told the Los Angeles Times. “They weren’t in fear. They were agitated.”

While the case does hinge partly on the distinction between anger and fear, the Laceys, assuming they were reasonably afraid, were under no obligation to cower in their house and wait for the police. David Lacey might have thought that pointing his gun at the uninvited guests was necessary to eliminate the threat he perceived. The question is whether a jury will agree that his perception was not only sincere but reasonable.

Abdullah notes that state prosecutors, who are handling the case to avoid a conflict of interest, could have charged David Lacey with felonies rather than misdemeanors. Assault with a firearm is a “wobbler” offense that can be charged as a misdemeanor punishable by up to a year in jail or as a felony punishable by up to four years in prison. Abdullah says the choice of misdemeanor charges suggests that Lacey is receiving preferential treatment because his wife is the D.A.

Loyola law professor Laurie Levenson, a former federal prosecutor, disagrees. Although she does not condone Lacey’s behavior, she thinks felony charges would be excessive in this case.

In an interview with the Los Angeles Times, Levenson noted several mitigating factors—including the earlier threats against Lacey’s wife, the fact that he was confronted at his home, and his clean criminal record—that might have influenced the decision to file misdemeanor charges. “I don’t know whether he is thinking particularly clearly at 5 a.m. when people are on his doorstep and there has been increasing harassment of his wife,” she said. “It’s easy to say he shouldn’t have been so afraid, he should have called the police, he made an unwise decision. But making an unwise decision doesn’t always end up with a felony or even a criminal charge.”

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RIP Pete Hamill: Chronicler of New York’s Marketplace of Ideas

Pete Hamill

When the reporter, editor, and man-about-town Pete Hamill died on Wednesday, the tributes to the 85-year-old Brooklynite were overwhelming. In death as in life, this son of Irish immigrants and 10th grade dropout has been described as the journalistic personification of New York. Hamill chronicled the everyman bustle of the “lost” postwar city he riffed on so eloquently. He showed off his hometown, at its best and at its worst, to both a local and a national readership in the pages of Esquire, New York, and The Village Voice. He provided play-by-play and color commentary on the passing scene during his editorships at the New York Post and the Daily News. Through a dozen novels, a half dozen works of nonfiction, and a library’s worth of reporting, Hamill decanted his New York to an immense readership.

Along with Jimmy Breslin, Hamill has long been regarded as the city’s Hemingway, a plain-spoken prose stylist who wrote with a populist authority about rough-and-tumble urban life. The fantastic 2018 HBO documentary Breslin and Hamill: Deadline Artists demonstrates how the city’s late-20th-century librettists also shared Hemingway’s ability to make himself a part of the story. Hamill, in particular, became a Manhattan gadabout, fraternizing with the glamorous in all the spaces where one would surely be seen.

Lost in the many touching tributes to Hamill is the strong anti-statist and anti-ideological streak in his writing. Most renderings of his life have focused in on his progressive bona fides as an enthusiastic booster of Robert Kennedy’s presidential campaign. Some have also cited his more right-wing middle period in the late 1980s, when he wrote less than charitably about the Central Park Five and waded into ugly waters as he discussed their upbringings. But neither image really captures him. Hamill’s literary legacy is not that of a liberal lion or a seething reactionary.

“I hated abstractions as a result of being a reporter. All abstractions lead you in to certain kinds of traps,” Hamill said on a 2011 episode of City Talk. “Ideology, to me, whether it’s religious or political, is not thinking.” Over the course of a six-decade-long writing career, Hamill rebuked ideology by displaying an appreciation for nuance. 

His New York is a marketplace of cultures, ideas, and objects. It is a polyglot of buyers and sellers where everyone drives a hard bargain. It is continuity and change locked in a permanent contest on every block. Hamill’s city is exactly what the likes of Robert Moses were trying to control when they imposed a top-down technocratic regime on New York in the middle third of the 20th century.

In A Drinking Life: A Memoir (1994), Hamill shows us around the barrooms of Brooklyn and, in the process, introduces readers to the vibrant intellectual life that coexisted with the borough’s workaday sociability during his early adulthood. In his 1969 New York article “Revolt of the White Lower Middle Class,” he finds the aggrieved outer-borough working stiff’s frustrations rooted not in knuckle-dragging bigotry but in the patrician didacticism and social engineering being enacted by Mayor John Lindsay’s administration. Hamill’s masterstroke against the managerial society was his 1987 essay on “The New York We’ve Lost,” also written for New York magazine. Far from a garden-variety work of nostalgia, it describes with texture and color how the entrepreneurial sensibilities of the city’s residents created the countless spaces that made New York the habitat of choice for people on the make.

Through all the changes to his city, Hamill saw it as a shared, evolving place where the past and the present, the parochial and the global, find a way to coexist in close quarters. And that remains the fable that New Yorkers tell themselves about their home. For as long as people discuss New York as a city where clever, persistent young people can make lives for themselves, Pete Hamill’s New York will not be entirely lost.

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Mnuchin Says Democrat Demands On Stimulus Are “Non Starter” As Trump Weighs Executive Order

Mnuchin Says Democrat Demands On Stimulus Are “Non Starter” As Trump Weighs Executive Order

Tyler Durden

Fri, 08/07/2020 – 14:25

As millions of unemployed Americans and struggling businesses wait for lawmakers to hammer out the fifth coronavirus relief package, Democrats remain unwilling to consider a temporary extension of a $600 per week unemployment boost – instead suggesting the GOP meet them in the middle.

Looks like that’s a non-starter.

While walking into House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s (D-CA) office on Friday, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told reporters that a Democratic proposal to double the GOP’s $1 trillion stimulus proposal if the Democrats drop theirs by $1 trillion is a “non-starter.”

“Yesterday, I offered to them, we’ll take down $1 trillion if you add $1 trillion in. They said absolutely not,” said Pelosi, adding “If we could do that, if we take down $1 trillion and they add $1 trillion, we’ll be within range, but we must meet the needs of the American people.”

During the presser, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) blamed White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows for the impasse.

“Basically what’s happening is Mr. Meadows is from the tea party. You have 20 Republicans in the Senate greatly influenced by them. And they don’t want to spend the necessary dollars to help get America out of this mess. Ideology sorta blinds them,” said Schumer, adding “The House doesn’t have the votes to go south of $2 trillion. The Senate Democrats won’t support something less than $2 trillion.”

Meadows and Mnuchin hit back, saying that Democrats have rejected their offers of compromise on the unemployment insurance boost.

While there’s an overlap in having schools, extended unemployment benefits, direct payments to the public as top priorities, the sticking points are, as always, in the details — who qualifies and how much to spend.

Additionally, Republicans have a heavy emphasis on liability protection, which Democrats said are unnecessary.

Meanwhile, the Democrats are pushing for funds for mail-in-ballots and elections, the financially struggling post office, food security programs, and a surge of funding for state and local governments — none of which have gained traction with the Republicans. –Washington Times

Senate Republicans, meanwhile, are divided on their own proposal according to the Washington Times, which notes that “about a dozen of their ranks skeptical of adding another $1 trillion to the nearly $3 trillion coronavirus tab that Congress has created.”

Meadows and Mnuchin also added that a larger deal, or even a “skinny” extension for top priorities are President Trump’s preference – while the Commander in Chief is looking at executing an executive order which would include a payroll tax cut, eviction protections, an unemployment boost extension and flexibility on student loan repayments, according to the Times.

In short, Democrats are about to hand Trump a big optics win. And which liberal #resistance judge wants to be known as the person who took money out of Americans’ pockets by striking it down?

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New Yorkers, Crushed By Pandemic, See $336 Billion In Personal Wealth Evaporate

New Yorkers, Crushed By Pandemic, See $336 Billion In Personal Wealth Evaporate

Tyler Durden

Fri, 08/07/2020 – 14:10

Many U.S. cities are emerging from the coronavirus pandemic that has triggered the most severe economic contraction since the Great Depression of the 1930s. 

Research firms Webster Pacific and New World Wealth have published a new report (seen by Bloomberg) taking into account the impact of the virus-induced recession on individual wealth. 

What they found, on a metro by metro basis, is that New Yorkers lost the most wealth, recorded a whopping $336 billion loss, or -13%, compared with the previous year. 

Residents in San Francisco, the second-wealthiest city in the nation, fared better than New Yorkers, lost $105 billion, or 5% of the wealth, during the pandemic. At least two billionaires in the Bay Area were downgraded to centi-millionaires, while five billionaires were downgraded to centi-millionaires in the Big Apple. 

Researchers identify the wealthiest cities in the U.S. by including all residents’ assets (property, cash, equities, business interests) less any liabilities: 

h/t Bloomberg 

“Job losses, declining income levels, falling stocks, and weaker high-end property values led to a 9% decrease in total wealth held in the U.S. during the first half of 2020,” Bloomberg said, citing the report.

Andrew Amoils, a wealth analyst at New World Wealth and the report’s author, said despite the U.S. being epicenter of the virus pandemic, it’s faring much better than other nations to protect wealth. 

“The 9% drop in U.S. wealth compares with a 14% drop worldwide and declines of as much as 20% in countries like Russia and Brazil,” Amoils said.

U.S. residents held $58 trillion in total wealth or about 30% of the worldwide wealth, as of June 30, making it the wealthiest nation. On a per-capita basis, Americans each held, on average, about $178,000 in net assets, place it the fifth in the world, behind Monaco, Luxembourg, Switzerland, and Australia. 

The recent spread of the virus has caused the recovery to reverse, this could lead to even more wealth loss in the U.S., despite the unprecedented money printing by the Federal Reserve, and countless fiscal injections by the federal government. 

While wealth loss is hitting the rich and poor, here’s what the most richest folks are doing to avoid the next downturn. 

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US Oil Rig Count Hits 15-Year-Low, Shale Remains In ‘Survival’ Mode

US Oil Rig Count Hits 15-Year-Low, Shale Remains In ‘Survival’ Mode

Tyler Durden

Fri, 08/07/2020 – 13:55

The number of rigs drilling for oil in the U.S. fell by 4 in the past week to 176, according to oil-field services company Baker Hughes. That represented a decline of 588 from the year-ago period, when there were 764 oil rigs drilling in the US and is the lowest since 2004…

The U.S. oil-rig count is often seen as a proxy for activity in the sector, but for now production has held up…

But, as OilPrice.com’s Irina Slav notes, after slashing capex plans for 2020 and idling rigs by the dozen, U.S. shale drillers are still not ready to return to their default state of perpetual growth. Oil is simply too cheap for that, so they are staying in survival mode, maintaining production with no plans to start boosting it anytime soon. Shale producers are caving in to low oil prices and worried investors, pledging to stick to production maintenance for the time being, Bloomberg reported this week, citing updates by several of the larger shale drillers in the United States. Modest growth in production is the most that any of these producers can offer their shareholders, with some cutting their earlier production guidance for this year and declining to provide any update on 2021.

According to some, U.S. onshore oil production shed as much as 2 million bpd when the double blow of the Saudi-Russian price war and the coronavirus pandemic struck. It will be a while before it recovers, and analysts see this “while” as at least a couple of years. Some even doubt that the industry will recover to its pre-crisis state at all.

Prices are at the heart of the problem, of course. This week benchmarks have been trending higher, but the rally has been limited: after both the API and the EIA reported substantial inventory declines that pushed West Texas Intermediate higher, today the U.S. benchmark was down at the time of writing, albeit modestly. Oil prices will likely continue to move extra-dynamically in the coming months as the spread of Covid-19 continues to cast a thick shadow over the future of the energy industry.

Karr Ingham, Petroleum Economist for the Texas Alliance of Energy Producers and creator of the Texas Petro Index summarized the situation in a June news release:

“Petroleum energy demand dropped off the cliff sharply and rapidly at the same time crude oil production was peaking, particularly in Texas and the U.S.,” Ingham said.

“That would have been bad enough; throw in a market share temper tantrum between Saudi Arabia and Russia at the worst possible time, and you have a thoroughly devastating impact on energy markets.”

It takes a lot of time to recover from such an impact, and this is becoming increasingly clear as prices remain stubbornly below $50, thwarting any hypothetical production growth plans. Layoffs, capex cuts, and bankruptcies are on the agenda right now, and this agenda will stay in place until WTI rises to at least $50, at least according to some industry executives who see that price level as high enough to restart drilling new wells. 

Even then, however, efforts will focus on development, that is, exploiting already proven reserves. Spending on new exploration, meaning, a substantial increase in new production, will have to wait as the industry grapples with a reality that may involve some permanent oil demand loss. This reality may force a rethinking of the whole shale business model.

“For most of my career, we would reinvest all our cash flow and then show our success by how much we could grow our production,” Bloomberg quoted the chief executive of Concho Resources as saying earlier this month. “Well, that’s not how it’s going to work in the future.”

Tim Leach is very likely right: with all that cash flow getting poured back into production, most shale producers have accumulated sizable debt piles, and now these debt piles are sinking them. In the first half of the year, 23 shale oil companies in the U.S. filed for bankruptcy protection, with a collective debt loan of over $30 billion. And more debt is maturing over the next two years, which means more bankruptcies. Those that survive will need to come with a more financially sustainable model after burning through billions of cash for the single purpose of boosting production to the record-high cliff it fell off in the spring.

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“Tsunami Of Rage”: Lebanon Braces For Mass Protests Over Blast, Economy In Free Fall

“Tsunami Of Rage”: Lebanon Braces For Mass Protests Over Blast, Economy In Free Fall

Tyler Durden

Fri, 08/07/2020 – 13:35

Lebanon is bracing itself for a return to the massive demonstrations and riots which gripped the streets for much of last year, leading to closures of highways, banks, and public buildings. Like the years-long banking crisis, the government is seen as directly responsible for this week’s epic tragedy.

Already Thursday night small, sporadic angry protests popped up downtown areas of Beirut. It’s expected that following ongoing searches of rubble, as well as funerals for the over 135 killed, and initial clean-up efforts of a capital city covered in glass, mass demonstrations are expected to explode

It was already a country on the brink, but the Tuesday blast centered on the port which had such force as to be compared to a mini-nuke has reportedly displaced 300,000 people – many of which saw entire walls of their homes ripped out – already in a dire situation of huge unemployment especially among young people, skyrocketing inflation, and a banking system teetering on collapse, which already saw closures for weeks at a time over the past year.

There’s also of course the COVID-19 crisis which has not abated yet. But even before pandemic shutdowns in Lebanon the World Bank projected a whopping 45% of the population would be below the poverty line by the end of 2020.

Thus anger at widespread government corruption and ineptitude was already swelling before it was revealed that the government allowed 2,750 metric tons of ammonium nitrate to be left in unsafe conditions right on the doorstep of populous residential areas.

One Middle East analyst and US-based professor, Elias Muhanna, aptly described that “a tsunami of rage” is gathering and about to be unleashed across the country.

Recall too how earlier this year and into last year it’s believed a record 25% of the entire population (of nearly seven million people) was on the streets protesting at one point.

This at the height of the banking and currency crisis which saw unprecedented restrictions put on patrons of banks: they couldn’t draw from their own savings accounts on fears of a run on cash (specifically the dollar), and had strict controls put on external transfers out of the country. This as the local Lebanese lira had effectively collapsed.

Lebanese officials estimate that the explosion resulted in between three and five billion dollars worth of destruction. Currently international aid is en route, including at least three cargo planes worth of emergency aid from the United States.

Multiple countries have also sent emergency teams to set up makeshift clinics at local stadiums, given the over 5,000 wounded in the blast are still being treated.

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RIP Pete Hamill: Chronicler of New York’s Marketplace of Ideas

Pete Hamill

When the reporter, editor, and man-about-town Pete Hamill died on Wednesday, the tributes to the 85-year-old Brooklynite were overwhelming. In death as in life, this son of Irish immigrants and 10th grade dropout has been described as the journalistic personification of New York. Hamill chronicled the everyman bustle of the “lost” postwar city he riffed on so eloquently. He showed off his hometown, at its best and at its worst, to both a local and a national readership in the pages of Esquire, New York, and The Village Voice. He provided play-by-play and color commentary on the passing scene during his editorships at the New York Post and the Daily News. Through a dozen novels, a half dozen works of nonfiction, and a library’s worth of reporting, Hamill decanted his New York to an immense readership.

Along with Jimmy Breslin, Hamill has long been regarded as the city’s Hemingway, a plain-spoken prose stylist who wrote with a populist authority about rough-and-tumble urban life. The fantastic 2018 HBO documentary Breslin and Hamill: Deadline Artists demonstrates how the city’s late-20th-century librettists also shared Hemingway’s ability to make himself a part of the story. Hamill, in particular, became a Manhattan gadabout, fraternizing with the glamorous in all the spaces where one would surely be seen.

Lost in the many touching tributes to Hamill is the strong anti-statist and anti-ideological streak in his writing. Most renderings of his life have focused in on his progressive bona fides as an enthusiastic booster of Robert Kennedy’s presidential campaign. Some have also cited his more right-wing middle period in the late 1980s, when he wrote less than charitably about the Central Park Five and waded into ugly waters as he discussed their upbringings. But neither image really captures him. Hamill’s literary legacy is not that of a liberal lion or a seething reactionary.

“I hated abstractions as a result of being a reporter. All abstractions lead you in to certain kinds of traps,” Hamill said on a 2011 episode of City Talk. “Ideology, to me, whether it’s religious or political, is not thinking.” Over the course of a six-decade-long writing career, Hamill rebuked ideology by displaying an appreciation for nuance. 

His New York is a marketplace of cultures, ideas, and objects. It is a polyglot of buyers and sellers where everyone drives a hard bargain. It is continuity and change locked in a permanent contest on every block. Hamill’s city is exactly what the likes of Robert Moses were trying to control when they imposed a top-down technocratic regime on New York in the middle third of the 20th century.

In A Drinking Life: A Memoir (1994), Hamill shows us around the barrooms of Brooklyn and, in the process, introduces readers to the vibrant intellectual life that coexisted with the borough’s workaday sociability during his early adulthood. In his 1969 New York article “Revolt of the White Lower Middle Class,” he finds the aggrieved outer-borough working stiff’s frustrations rooted not in knuckle-dragging bigotry but in the patrician didacticism and social engineering being enacted by Mayor John Lindsay’s administration. Hamill’s masterstroke against the managerial society was his 1987 essay on “The New York We’ve Lost,” also written for New York magazine. Far from a garden-variety work of nostalgia, it describes with texture and color how the entrepreneurial sensibilities of the city’s residents created the countless spaces that made New York the habitat of choice for people on the make.

Through all the changes to his city, Hamill saw it as a shared, evolving place where the past and the present, the parochial and the global, find a way to coexist in close quarters. And that remains the fable that New Yorkers tell themselves about their home. For as long as people discuss New York as a city where clever, persistent young people can make lives for themselves, Pete Hamill’s New York will not be entirely lost.

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Once-Marginalized, Homeschooling Hits the Mainstream

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This week, Chicago Public Schools became the latest large school district to opt for online-only lessons in the fall. It’s an attempt to minimize the threat of COVID-19 infection, but it leaves a lot of Chicago families unhappy and—like their counterparts around the country—heading for the exits, in search of options that better suit their needs now and in the future.

It’s part of an education revolution poised to leave government schools just one option among many, as once-marginalized approaches such as microschools, teaching pods, and homeschooling become perfectly mainstream.

“Today, after carefully considering advice from public health experts and feedback from many of you, Chicago Public Schools (CPS) will begin the year learning at home through the end of the first quarter,” CPS leaders announced August 5. “Prior to the beginning of the second quarter, we will assess the state of COVID-19 and the safety of switching to a hybrid learning model similar to what we proposed in our preliminary reopening framework.”

Chicago isn’t alone in this choice. Thirteen of the biggest government school districts in the country have opted for online-only approaches. Hawaii and New York City public schools propose a hybrid model.

There’s certainly a constituency for online-only classes, although preferences vary. In July. Gallup found that 28 percent of parents favor online learning as schools reopen this fall, 36 percent want in-person school, and 36 percent prefer a hybrid model.

But people favoring any educational approach want it done well. And when Chicago Public Schools released data in May, even the best spin couldn’t polish unpleasant facts.

“The percentage of students using Google learning tools for remote learning at least once a week has increased from 70 percent during the first week of remote learning (April 13—April 17) to 77 percent during the week of May 11,” it reported. That means roughly a quarter of students weren’t showing up at all for online classes.

Plenty of public schools suffered similar challenges, leading the Wall Street Journal to conclude: “The results are in for remote learning: It didn’t work.”

That leaves even many families favoring online classes as dissatisfied as those preferring in-person learning—and not just in Chicago. Across the country, there has been a surge in interest in traditional alternatives such as private schools as well as homeschooling, microschools (which essentially reimagine one-room schools for the modern world), and learning pods (in which families pool kids and resources).

Homeschooling numbers are difficult to track, but North Carolina’s website for families announcing plans to homeschool crashed at the beginning of July “due to an overwhelming submission of Notices of Intent.” The site continues to experience high demand.

Homeschool filings in Nebraska were up 20 percent as of late July, and in Vermont they increased by about 75 percent over the same time in 2019.

The Texas Homeschool Coalition (THSC), which maintains an online withdrawal tool to help families notify their districts that they’ll be homeschooling, reports that it “saw 15 times the number of public school families withdraw from public school through THSC’s website to homeschool compared to the number of families who did so in July 2019.”

Families that don’t have the time or resources to educate their own kids are joining together to create learning pods, and microschools that spread costs, expertise, and responsibilities. Given that families often pool resources only for select subjects, and that wealthier families sometimes hire teachers for their learning pods, the lines are blurry among the various categories of DIY education. But why shouldn’t they be blurry? Families aren’t interested in imposing rigid models on their kids; they’re trying to educate their children and adopting whatever tools and techniques get the job done.

In the past, that kind of experimentation was daunting to many families. Reinventing education is an unwelcome challenge to people already forced to pay taxes to support schools that, in many communities, seemed like safe if uninspiring institutions. Private schools require tuition on top of taxes, and homeschooling takes personal commitment to the process itself as well as to swimming upstream against cultural currents.

Even so, private schools before the pandemic enrolled about 10 percent of U.S. students, publicly funded but privately run charter schools enrolled about 6 percent of students, and homeschooling steadily grew to encompass at least 3.3 percent of students. Those percentages represent millions of families opting out of traditional public schools in good times.

Then came the pandemic, and a massive face-plant by the nation’s government-run schools. Now, “23 percent of families who had children attending traditional public schools say they currently plan to send their children to another type of school when the lockdowns are over,” according to some admittedly unscientific polling by the Reason Foundation’s Corey A. DeAngelis. “Notably, 15 percent of respondents said they would choose to homeschool their children when schools reopen.”

Families with kids in charter schools and private schools also plan some reshuffling—with homeschooling the likely big winner in all cases.

The data from states including Nebraska, North Carolina, Texas, and Vermont bear out what parents told DeAngelis: DIY education, in various forms, is enjoying a boom in popularity.

Other approaches are sure to emerge as people invent them to meet their needs. And some of the families now trying education alternatives will happily walk away when the crisis is over. They’ll go back to what worked for them in the past. But they’ll bring their experiences with them. DIY education won’t be so strange to families who have done it themselves, and who have increased ranks of friends and neighbors still happily and enthusiastically engaged in homeschooling and its related variants.

Going forward, education is going to be a lot more diverse than in the past. And Americans are going to be much more comfortable with once-marginalized education options that are quickly becoming mainstream.

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