BBC Claims Iranian Government Is Lying About Outbreak: Real Death Toll Is 210, Not 34

BBC Claims Iranian Government Is Lying About Outbreak: Real Death Toll Is 210, Not 34

Given the Iranian regime’s recent history of brazenly lying to the public despite its obvious culpability, we were certainly intrigued when a local lawmaker in Qom told reporters that at least 50 people had died from the coronavirus in his city alone.

Iranian authorities denied these reports, claiming the lawmaker had no way to prove whether certain individuals had died of the virus, or some other cause.

Then on Friday, they raised the death toll to 34, which is slightly more modest, if still atrocious by international standards.

Now, a team of journalists working for BBC Persia (which we didn’t realize was a thing until now) have reportedly confirmed at least 210 virus-linked deaths in Iran after canvassing workers at dozens of hospitals around the country.

The story is written in Farsi, and Google’s “translate” function isn’t super helpful in converting the script. But judging by the quantity of text, the report appears to be relatively short and too the point.

The outbreak is the latest in a series of disasters that the regime has been battling since President Trump reimposed sanctions on its oil trade. These include, but are not limited to: Accidentally shooting down a Ukrainian passenger plane, and allowing some of its top government officials to be exposed and infected by the coronavirus.

Cities across Iran cancelled Friday prayers this week, an extremely rare occurrence which rarely, if ever, happens. As Iran’s neighbors close their doors to the burgeoning outbreak, some experts are estimating that the total number of cases in the country could be closer to 10,000, much higher than the fewer than 400 cases on the ‘official’ rolls.


Tyler Durden

Fri, 02/28/2020 – 15:15

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Bernie Sanders Signal-Boosts Boston Activists Fighting 10,000 New Homes That Would Replace a Dilapidated Horse Racing Track

Activists in Boston are trying to delay the construction of a 10,000-unit development project on a mostly dormant race track. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) just weighed in on their side, raising the disquieting prospect that the Democrats’ presidential frontrunner could become the nation’s NIMBY-in-chief.

In early February, the Boston-area group Lawyers for Civil Rights filed a complaint with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). It claims that city housing officials failed to provide meaningful and inclusive opportunities for community participation during their (still ongoing) review of the proposed Suffolk Downs development project.

“We need affordable housing for all instead of more gentrifying luxury developments for the few,” Sanders tweeted alongside an article about the group’s HUD complaint. “I stand with the longtime residents of East Boston fighting displacement from the communities they have spent generations building.”

The project itself would displace no one. The 161-acre site on the edge of East Boston currently hosts only a race track, a clubhouse, a vacant administration building, and horse barns described in city documents as “dilapidated and unsuitable for further use.” HYM Investments wants to redevelop the area into a mixed-use development sporting 10,000 new housing units, plus retail, office, and hotel space.

In keeping with Boston’s inclusionary zoning requirements, the Suffolk Down development includes 930 below-market-rate units that would be reserved for tenants making no more than 70 percent of the area’s median income ($55,550 for a single person). HYM would also contribute $5 million to a housing stabilization fund, with the money going to convert existing rental housing into income-restricted units. That’s supposed to create an additional 500 affordable units.

HYM would spend $41 million on off-site roadway improvements, $20 million on public transit in Boston and neighboring Revere (where part of the Suffolk Downs site is located), and $3 million in operations subsidies to a rail transit line servicing the area. The developer intends to use union labor and to contribute $2 million to trade apprenticeship and workforce development programs. HYM has also agreed to reserve a certain portion of its construction jobs for local residents, people of color, and women.

A spokesperson for HYM told Reason that the project has already received its needed permits from the city of Revere and the state of Massachusetts; it hopes to get Boston’s approval in the next few months.

The activists’ complaint argues that the project needs to be delayed because of some translation issues. Close to half the residents of the East Boston neighborhood that borders the Suffolk Down site primarily speak a language other than English (mostly Spanish or Arabic). The complaint argues that the Boston Planning and Development Agency (BPDA) failed to adequately translate enough of the project documents, or didn’t translate them quickly enough, to allow for limited-English-proficiency speakers to meaningfully participate in community review of the project.

Their complaint says that interpreters at public hearings were often unable to translate technical terms about the project into Spanish and that translation equipment was either unavailable or was “was hampered by high levels of static and failed batteries.”

They also say that none of the project documents were translated into Arabic.

This failure to offer adequate translation services, they claim, has so hampered community input that it amounts to national origin–based discrimination in violation of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The activists are asking that city officials halt their review of the project and that HUD suspend all funding to Boston housing agencies until an investigation can be completed.

“We are not anti-development. We are pro-growth—smart and equitable growth,” said Iván Espinoza-Madrigal, executive director of Lawyers for Civil Rights, in a press release announcing the complaint. “By failing to hire interpreters versed in the language of planning or zoning, or to translate key documents, the BPDA is effectively excluding immigrant residents of East Boston from the development process. Under well-settled federal law, this exclusion constitutes national origin discrimination.”

In addition to the translation issues that the group has raised, an October letter from Lawyers for Civil Rights raised a number of other demands. Among them: that HYM make a larger housing stabilization payment, that its affordable units be reserved for those making 30 percent of area median income, that the city enforce a carbon-neutral standard on the development, and that private security guards hired by HYM to protect its construction receive implicit bias training.

HYM has addressed some of these concerns in updates to in a revised Master Plan dated from last week, including a promise to ensure more documents are translated into Spanish and any other language spoken by more than 5 percent of the East Boston neighborhood.

The development agency has responded to the complaint by stressing the things it has done to accommodate non-English speakers during the review process. The Boston Business Journal reports that “each BPDA public meeting for Suffolk Downs has included Spanish-language translation, and there have been two meetings exclusively in Spanish, the agency said. Numerous project documents are also available in both English and Spanish.”

A cynical observer might conclude that Lawyers for Civil Rights is using its HUD complaint to gain leverage over HYM.

Delays to construction projects are expensive. If federal housing regulators decide there’s reasonable cause to believe that shoddy translation services amounted to illegal discrimination, the project could be gummed up in administrative hearings or even a Department of Justice–led civil lawsuit.

At some point, HYM might decide that the demands being made on its project are less costly than the legal delays they have to put up with. This is hardly an uncommon tactic. Labor unions in California, for instance, routinely use the threat of environmental lawsuits to get developers to agree to hire all union labor.

Private parties can also file their own discrimination lawsuits within two years of the alleged discrimination. The time it takes for HUD to process a discrimination complaint isn’t included in that two-year deadline.

Why would Sanders weigh in on this case? There’s obviously a political incentive. The Massachusetts Democratic primary is on Tuesday. While Sanders is currently favored to win that contest, he’ll still be competing for progressive votes with Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D–Mass.) on her home turf. Signal-boosting the local left’s efforts isn’t likely to hurt his chances.

Sanders also has a long history of demonizing developers and lending support to NIMBYs who oppose market-rate housing construction on principle. His comments about how the Suffolk Downs project will lead to displacement and gentrification fit neatly into that worldview.

The HUD complaint notes that East Boston has seen a growing number of cases where longtime tenants are evicted en masse from their homes, presumably so that the units can be renovated and leased out to higher-paying tenants. Allowing Suffolk Downs to go forward without additional affordability requirements or other concessions, the activists argue, will just mean more of the same.

But allowing a massive development right next to a poorer neighborhood would be great way to reduce evictions. This is the YIMBY (Yes In My Backyard) argument at its most basic. If you don’t build housing for better-off people, they’ll respond by bidding up the prices on existing units, which then leads to evictions and displacement.

Sanders’ willingness to parrot NIMBY talking points bodes ill for what housing policy would look like under his administration if he were to win the White House. The Lawyers for Civil Rights argument bases its discrimination claims on past executive orders and regulations, which HUD officials will rely on when adjudicating the complaint. As president, Sanders would be in a position to issue new regulations and guidance that could make proving housing violations easier, potentially empowering anti-development activists across the country.

Given the severe and worsening housing affordability problems the country is facing, that could be disastrous.

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ZeroZeroZero Plunges Viewers into the Dark, Gritty, Unglamorous Heart of Narcotrafficking

ZeroZeroZero. Available Friday, March 6, from Amazon Prime.

Amazon Prime’s ZeroZeroZero might be the most extensive collection of narcotrafficker aphorisms ever, sort of a Red Book of the cocaine trade.

There’s “Disappointment allows not for mercy,” from an Italian godfather whose family disposes of its mistakes by feeding them to pigs. (And by mistakes, I do not mean impure batches of coke.) There’s a self-important American deal broker who likes to say that “what we do keeps the entire worldwide economy afloat” without identifying who, exactly, plays the role of the Federal Reserve in his dope version of “too big to fail.” He’s also the one who explains the Narcotrafficer Code of Honor: “It doesn’t mean you have to be good, just upright.”

The problem with that one is that very few of the characters in ZeroZeroZero are upright for long, in any sense of the word: They’re loyal only to cash flow and almost all of them end up prone, either in coffins or pigs’ digestive systems.

ZeroZeroZero—the show’s name is a reference to another trafficker saying, a play on the rating system for Italian baking flour, in which “zero, zero” is the top grade—is a grim, gritty and gory tale of the cocaine trade. It has none of the glamor or high-octane sexuality of Scarface or Miami Vice. The bosses mostly live not in capacious art-deco palaces but in drab fortifications; they wear not Armani but body armor; they spend their spare time not nuzzling supermodels but in paranoid contemplation of who might be plotting against them.

Correction: The word “paranoid” is not appropriate, for these enemies are all too real. The central motif of Zero is betrayal. Every character is machinating against every other, or soon will be; neither blood nor money ensures loyalty. Both the traffickers and the cops who hunt them are soulless. Zero is a riveting program, but only because the plot is sociopathically intense; there’s nobody to root for, or even against. Every time you think you’ve identified the character who’s the absolute bottom-dwelling dregs of the bunch, the plot will twist toward even more depravity.

Based on the 2013 novel of the same name by Italian journalist Robert Saviano, Zero is the story of the damage wrought by a single shipment of 5,000 kilos of cocaine that impels three sets of characters on a collision course. The cocaine has been ordered by a craggy old Calabrian mafioso known as Don Minu (Italian actor Adriamo Chiaramida), who has emerged from a secret fortified cave after the end of a gang war and wants to get back into the game. But the payment for the drugs is hijacked by his grandson Stefano (newcomer Giuseppe De Domenico), seeking vengeance for an old family feud and not at all averse to getting rich in the process.

The missing money creates headaches, the .38-caliber kind, for the Lynwoods, the New Orleans shipping family that brokered the cocaine deal between the Italians and the Mexican producers of the drug. Patriarch Edward (Gabriel Byrne) wants to stay in the cocaine business because a single load brings in as much as his legal shipping business nets in a year. His daughter and second-in-command Emma (Andrea Riseborough, Black Mirror) argues that the Lynwoods have no experience with the hardball part of the business and would be better off getting out. Son Chris (Dane DeHaan, True Blood) has been systematically excluded from the drug operations because the family fears the stress will trigger the crippling Huntington’s disease gene he inherited from his mother, but he knows a lot more than anybody’s aware.

The final side of this triangle is a squadron of Mexican anti-drug police whose skill with torturing informants and planting wiretaps has enabled the cops to listen in on the negotiations over the drugs and missing money. Sergeant Manuel Contreras (Harold Torres, El Chapo), the leader of the squad, is a man of intense religious faith, but as might be guessed from his nickname—Vampiro—its theology is of uncertain direction.

The multinational team of writers and directors, including Saviano himself, that produced Zero have employed an elliptical form of story-telling that often circles back onto itself—particulary in the early episodes, when the various collections of characters haven’t encountered one another yet. But they pull it off much better than you might expect, and Zero is far easier to follow than any number of flashback-driven U.S. shows on the air at the moment.

Their tightly drawn approach to the screenplay does not allow the cast any scenery-chewing theatrics or peak emotional moment, but all of the actors are quite adept at projecting a taut air of menace and, occasionally, fear. Not since The Wire has a TV series more explicitly portrayed the corruption and violence that the war on drugs visits on both its players and its bystanders. “Certain things, among decent people, should never happen,” one of Zero‘s narcotraffickers muses to another. Oh, but they do, over and over.

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How Did We Get Here?

How Did We Get Here?

In the breathless words of Ron Burgundy, “well, that escalated quickly!” Amid all the calls for The Fed to rescue investors with 1, 2, 3, or even 4 rate-cuts…

The question many prefer to not ask – for fear of the answer – is: How did we get here!?

Nomura’s Charlie McElligott provides the details of what sparked the greatest drop from a peak into correction in the history of the stock market…

  • Two “left tail” macro-catalysts surged into last week (Coronavirus “black swan” and the stunning ascent of Bernie Sanders as “candidate #1” acting as a clustered “negative growth shock” impulse) hit at the perfectly wrong time into US Equities – and US Rates – markets

  • Into options expiries for both US Equities and USTs / Rates late last week, we had seen Dealers extraordinarily “Long Gamma” in each of these “ultimate” asset-classes thanks to recently placid “financial conditions” thanks to Fed “policy asymmetry” and a relatively “Goldilocks” US Economy which incentivized “vol selling” behavior from investors looking for “yield enhancement” / “income generation”—helping in-turn drive S&P and Nasdaq to hit their all-time highs just last Wednesday

  • This (now ancient) Dealer “Long Gamma” choke-hold over prior months had acted as an insulating / vol suppressing flow that buffered against shock-moves and, generally speaking, had kept us in relatively tight directional “bands” (as Dealers short options need to “buy dips or “sell weakness,” especially as we neared expiry)

  • However and following the large expiries late last wk (VIX last Weds, everything-else last Fri), these two “macro shock catalysts” created a profoundly negative price impulse which sent “spot” levels in Equities Index, Equities Vol and Rates deeply through prior ranges, which drove Dealers into “Short Gamma”  territory – meaning that instead of insulating market moves as they had been previously, that now Dealer hedging flows would see them pressing into the directional moves (in this case, shorting into the new lows in Equities index, or buying VIX- and USTs- / STIRS- the more they “rallied”)

  • And as we’ve stated in this note now for nearly a decade – in a market structure which is now built on “negative convexity” / “short vol” / “short gamma” strategies in order to generate “yield,” as you’ve been incentivized by the global central bank “put,” financial repression” and their complete submission to “financial conditions” (the politically correct form of saying that Central Banks are beholden to markets and the “wealth affect”), any spikes in volatility are to be “sold” and dips in equities are to be “bot,” while said vol / term premia suppression policies (rate cuts, large scale asset purchases, liquidity injections) too “green light” carry- and momentum- trades, especially with the cheap cost of leverage

  • The problem is, the more something “trends” the more leverage you need to apply to maintain target exposures – which is the working definition of “stability breeding instability”

  • So on that macro catalyst “shock down” which forced Dealers into “Short Gamma” territory then exacerbating the moves further at the “extremes” (selling lows in Equities to remain hedged, or buying Vol / USTs / ED$ at highs), we then exposed the MECHANICAL DELEVERAGING FLOWS of systematic “vol control” / “target volatility” universe which now need to gross-down—because VOLATILITY IS THE EXPOSURE “TOGGLE”

  • And this isn’t just for “quants,” because anybody operating under a VaR risk management framework is also a de facto “vol control” fund, where these rolling “macro catalyst crises” blow-up accumulated leverage in previously “easy money” carry- and momentum- trades in turn driving shock “de-grossing” events that we come to expect now every few months

  • And in peak perversity and after their forced “VaR-downs,” it’s the same “backtests” (which are a function of the “known phenomenon” of Central Bank interventions to yet-again “save the day”) which tell the models and condition the human behavior to again thereafter “short rich vol / premium” when it hits these high %iles

  • Soon, S&P Puts are “bombed” and VIX Calls / futures sold, while systematic roll-down in VIX steps-in after inversions then normalize—and this normalization of vol then means that the “vol control” / “target vol” stuff then begins their mechanical “RE-leveraging,” forcing the “chase” too from fundamental investors back into the market who too have been conditioned to “buy the stock dip, sell the vol rip”

  • “Crash-down, crash-up” – RINSE, REPEAT

Spot On! But if you really want to know how we got here, it’s a longer tale that for  former Dallas Fed’s Fisher noted yesterday:

“Does The Fed really want to have a put every time the market gets nervous? …Coming off all-time highs, does it make sense for The Fed to bail the markets out every single time… creating a trap?”

The Fed has created this dependency and there’s an entire generation of money-managers who weren’t around in ’74, ’87, the end of the ’90s, anbd even 2007-2009.. and have only seen a one-way street… of course they’re nervous.

“The question is – do you want to feed that hunger? Keep applying that opioid of cheap and abundant money?

the market is getting ahead of itself, because the market is dependent on Fed largesse… and we made it that way…

…but we have to consider, through a statement rather than an action, that we must wean the market off its dependency on a Fed put.”

It’s not the virus, it’s The Fed stupid!


Tyler Durden

Fri, 02/28/2020 – 15:01

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Fed Chair Powell Issues Statement To Calm Crashing Markets

Fed Chair Powell Issues Statement To Calm Crashing Markets

With stocks crashing, yields plunging, supply-chains fraying, China’s economy freezing, junk bonds tumbling, credit and equity markets grinding to a halt, and the global economy on the verge of a crisis the likes of which it has not seen since Lehman, moments after both Goldman and Bank of America predicted the Fed would cut rates as soon as next month (and in the case of BofA, an emergency double cut could come any moment), in a shocking, rare admission that the Fed is “on top of thing”, Fed Chair Powell, aware that everyone was looking at the Fed for guidance on what happens next and whether it will conduct an emergency Sunday night global intervention in markets, at exactly 2:30pm on Friday with 90 minutes left until the close, Powell issued an unprecedented statement meant to do just one thing: calm markets and stop the selloff.

The fundamentals of the U.S. economy remain strong. However, the coronavirus poses evolving risks to economic activity. The Federal Reserve is closely monitoring developments and their implications for the economic outlook. We will use our tools and act as appropriate to support the economy.

While Powell admitted what everyone knows, namely that the coronavirus “poses evolving risks” to U.S. growth and signaled the central bank is prepared to cut interest rates if necessary to support the expansion, what nobody still knows yet, is whether the current state of events is enough for the Fed to rush with a 25-50bps emergency rate cut as soon as Sunday.

Powell’s statement, which was posted on the Fed’s website 90 minutes before markets closed for the weekend comes as stocks were in their seventh-straight loss, prompting calls multiple rate cuts by Wall Street banks, and as markets expect more than 1 rate cut in March…

… yields on U.S. Treasuries are plunging to record lows.

While stocks may have been expecting a far more forceful statement from Powell, they took the rare communication from Powell in stride, and after spiking higher, then grinding lower upon realizing that Powell did not really commit to anything, stocks have continued to rise…

… with the dollar plunging…

… as traders are now indicating that this is a preview of what now appears an almost certain Sunday night central bank intervention, whether standalone or coordinated with other global central banks.

And yet, as we warned earlier, a Sunday emergency rate cut could be the worst possible outcome. As we noted earlier in our “Sunday night action” preview post, the danger is that after a coordinated central bank response, investors will be forced into chasing a move higher in equities out of fear that they “missed the lows,” but into that inevitable “cluster” report of confirmed cases in a global mega-city outside of China (see what’s happening in California now as prime target), “as the pandemic is now certainly “real”—which could drive another shock-down, but this time, without the hedges which, on the way down, can also act as “insulation” when monetized.”

In other words, if or rather when the corona pandemic gets even worse after central banks have fired their collective bazooka, the market’s response will be far more adverse as central banks will have staked their credibility on being able to offset the economic consequences of the pandemic (they can’t, unless they can print viral antibodies), while investors will now be looking into the abyss without any hedges left.

And that could be catastrophic.


Tyler Durden

Fri, 02/28/2020 – 14:47

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If Bloomberg’s Arrogance Worries You, His Weaselly Positions on Presidential Power Won’t Reassure You

The ban on big beverages that Democratic presidential contender Michael Bloomberg tried to impose when he was mayor of New York City reflects not only his strong paternalistic instincts but also his impatience with legal restraints on executive power. Instead of seeking new legislation restricting sales of sugary drinks, Bloomberg unilaterally decreed, via the New York Board of Health, that customers of food service establishments would not be allowed to buy more than a pint at a time. A judge, an appeals court panel, and the state’s highest court all agreed that the soda serving ceiling exceeded the board’s legal authority.

Given Bloomberg’s history of pursuing his goals without regard for the separation of powers, voters might reasonably wonder whether he would respect legal limits on his authority as president. A New York Times questionnaire about presidential power gave him an opportunity to reassure them. But for the most part, his weaselly responses can only reinforce fears that a President Bloomberg would do what he thinks is right, whether or not it is authorized by the Constitution.

Bloomberg thinks the president has the authority to wage war at his own discretion, whenever he believes it is “necessary to protect the country”:

I would be extremely reluctant as President to commit the armed forces to hostilities in another country, without congressional authorization, beyond circumstances that involve an imminent threat to the United States, its people or property. It would be unwise for me as a candidate for president to categorically rule out committing the armed forces in such circumstances. I know that unforeseen circumstances can arise in matters of national security. But bypassing Congress should only be contemplated when action is necessary to protect the country and is limited in scope and duration.

Bloomberg also believes the president has the authority to assassinate U.S. citizens in foreign countries based on allegations that they are involved in terrorism. “I would have no hesitation to authorize lethal force against such an individual overseas in a location where arrest or capture is infeasible,” he said, “so long as our national security lawyers determine such action is lawful.”

As for terrorism suspects in the United States, Bloomberg said he “would be extremely concerned if a U.S. citizen were arrested on U.S. soil, by U.S. law enforcement, and turned over to the U.S. military for wartime detention and criminal prosecution in a military commission.” He added that “our federal civilian courts have an impressive track record of bringing suspected terrorists to justice, both in terms of efficiency and security.”

The Times asked Bloomberg about three cases in which the president violated the law in the name of national security: “After 9/11, the NSA wiretapped on domestic soil without court orders seemingly required by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and the CIA used coercive interrogation techniques on prisoners despite antitorture laws and treaties. In the 2014 Bergdahl deal, the military transferred five Guantanamo detainees to Qatar without giving Congress the 30 days notice seemingly required by a detainee transfer law.”

Bloomberg acknowledged the illegality of those actions and said he rejects Attorney General William Barr’s broad view of presidential authority. But then he added this: “As president I would govern by the principle that presidential authority is at its zenith when authorized by both the Constitution and acts of Congress, and is at its weakest and riskiest when contrary to an act of Congress but somehow authorized by a broad reading of the Constitution.”

That allusion to Youngston Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer, the 1952 case in which the Supreme Court ruled that President Harry Truman’s seizure of steel mills violated the separation of powers, is meant to be reassuring. But the formulation still leaves Bloomberg wiggle room to act “contrary to an act of Congress” if he believes Congress has impinged on the president’s authority.

Bloomberg likewise hedged on the practice of replacing vetoes with signing statements that reserve the right to ignore specific provisions of a bill that the president finds objectionable. “If a bill is unconstitutional,” he said, “the right response is almost always to veto it, not to sign it and to say that it is unconstitutional. But in very rare circumstances—which I hope would never arise—I would reserve the right to follow longstanding practice and sign a bill of which I generally approve, but also to point to Constitutional weaknesses in specific provisions.”

The Times asked Bloomberg about the federal indictment of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, which includes Espionage Act charges that effectively criminalize the work of investigative journalists whose reporting is based on classified material. “Are these charges constitutional?” the paper asked. “Would your administration continue the Espionage Act part of the case against Assange?”

Instead of answering those questions, Bloomberg offered an anodyne statement about freedom of the press, followed by a promise that he “would adopt a very strong presumption” against trying to imprison reporters who share information the government would prefer to keep secret. You might expect a firmer commitment from a man who made his fortune in the news business.

On the positive side, Bloomberg said Congress has the power to criminalize corrupt uses of presidential power, and he agreed that the president can be guilty of obstructing justice when he uses his otherwise lawful authority to “impede an investigation for corrupt reasons,” although he hedged on the question of whether a sitting president can be indicted. He also said executive privilege “should never shield criminal or improper communications” and “in general” should be limited to “deliberations or policy advice directed to the president from within the executive branch.”

Answers to press questions about executive power obviously do not constitute a binding contract. Barack Obama, responding to a similar questionnaire in 2007, went considerably further than Bloomberg on the issue of the president’s war powers, categorically stating that “the President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation.” That did not stop Obama, once elected, from attacking LibyaSyria, and ISIS without congressional approval or an imminent threat to the nation.

Still, a candidate’s understanding of presidential authority is unlikely to become more restrained after he moves into the White House. Bloomberg has put us on notice that, when it comes to waging war, killing Americans in foreign countries, selectively flouting the law, and prosecuting journalists, he will do whatever he thinks is appropriate. Voters have to decide whether they are comfortable with that prospect.

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Goldman, BofA Brace For Crisis: One Sees Three Rate Cuts Through June, The Other Expects 2 Rate Cuts Next Month

Goldman, BofA Brace For Crisis: One Sees Three Rate Cuts Through June, The Other Expects 2 Rate Cuts Next Month

When it comes to its market, rates and economic forecasts, Goldman has long been one of Wall Street’s favorite contrarian, Gartman-like indicators: i.e., always wrong. From its notoriously terrible FX predictions (which we so bad, two of its recent global FX strategists quit because they literally couldn’t get one call right), from its atrocious STIR predictions, expecting four rate hikes in 2019 back in December 2018 as the Fed was set to reverse its tightening bias, and not only cut rates 3 times but launch QE4, to its perpetually optimistic S&P and economic forecasts, and last but not least, always incorrectly calling for higher yields by year end (any year end), it was easy to forget that Goldman was once one of the most respected banks on Wall Street instead of a bunch of sellside clowns whose only job was to get clients to do the opposite of what its flow traders were doing.

Which is why we were somewhat conflicted by Goldman’s latest prediction, because one day after the bank admitted that there would be no earnings growth in 2020 (after there was no EPS growth in 2019), Goldman’s chief economist Jan Hatzius admitted his rosy US growth forecast was dead wrong, and in a note today he writes that just a few weeks ago, “we estimated that the coronavirus would subtract about 2% (annualized) from Q1 global GDP growth. Since then, our China economists have cut their growth forecast further, the risk of global supply chain disruptions has become more acute, and increasing reports of community spread have started to weigh on everyday consumer activity in some countries. These developments require a rethink of our analysis and a fuller consideration of the range of economic scenarios that could play out in coming weeks and months.

Which brings us to the reason we are conflicted: as part of Hatzius’ “rethink” of the global economic rout, he has come to a conclusion which shockingly may be correct for once, to wit:

Our new baseline scenario involves a continued slowdown in infections in China that allows for a slow recovery in high-frequency indicators of economic activity. However, it also includes moderate supply chain disruptions in the global goods-producing sector, as well as a hit to consumer spending and business activity from national outbreaks that go well beyond China and the other countries (such as Korea and Italy) that have been affected so far.

Our analysis shows effects on quarter-on-quarter annualized global GDP growth of -5pp in Q1 and -2pp in Q2, followed by a rebound in the second half of 2020, leaving our full-year global growth forecast at about 2%.

Yet even if all this is correct (it will be), Hatzius will still be wrong because he refuses to “go there”, and despite now expecting the worst hit the global economy since the global financial crisis, he merely anticipates “a short-lived global contraction that stops short of an outright recession.”

Why no recession? Because the bank which until Friday expected no rate cuts in 2020, suddenly expects no less than three rate cuts, and all of them taking place in the next three months:

we would expect some monetary easing from a number of the world’s major central banks, including 75bp of rate cuts by the Federal Reserve through June starting with a 25bp cut in March. Although moderate Fed rate cuts are unlikely to be very powerful, the committee will probably be reluctant to disappoint market expectations for substantial rate cuts for fear of tightening financial conditions further.

Of course, by now Hatzius must be surely getting tired of being called the macroeconomic “Thomas Stolper” (long-time readers know what that means), and as a result he has quietly inserted two additional scenarios just to cover all his bases. While the “upside” scenario is meaningless as it has no hope in hell of occurring, it’s the downside one that is more ominous:

We also consider two alternative scenarios. The upside scenario assumes that the global spread of the virus is brought under control quickly and supply chain disruptions remain mostly absent; if so, global GDP would rebound in Q2, risk asset markets would recover sharply, and central banks may stay on hold. The downside scenario assumes widespread supply chain disruptions as well as domestic demand weakness across the global economy. This would involve sharp sequential contraction in global GDP in Q1 and Q2—i.e., a global recession—and probably an aggressive monetary easing campaign, including a return to the near-zero funds rate of the post-crisis period.

Notably, not even the market expects a full 3 rate cuts by the end of June, which suggests that for all its cheerful optimism, Goldman is bracing for its “downside scenario” materializing.

All of this means that after taking a lot of criticism from the unemployed, basement-dwelling macrotourists, also known as fintwit, Rabobank’s forecast of 0% rates by the end of 2020, which was made all the way back in August 2019, will be spot on.

 

But wait there’s more.

Now that Goldman officially broke the seal on rate cut forecasts, early on Friday afternoon, BofA rushed to one-up Goldman, and in a note from the bank’s chief economist, Michelle Meyer, now expects all those who we yesterday said were betting on 2 rate cuts in March, to make a killing. Why? Because it is now BofA’s base case that the Fed will cut rates bv 50bps, or twice, “at the March meeting to stem the panic in markets and support economic sentiment” and not only that “an emergency cut by the Fed prior to the meeting is possible – it will depend on the extent of market dysfunction.”

Some more details from BofA:

The Fed is being called into action and we expect a 50bp cut at the upcoming March 18th meeting. An emergency cut by the Fed prior to the meeting is possible – it will depend on the extent of market dysfunction. We see three key reasons for the Fed to ease.

  1. First, what looked like just a supply shock from COVID-19 as a result of broken supply chains is now also becoming a demand shock. An adverse feedback loop has developed between consumer sentiment and market participants. Fed cuts may be able break or slow that loop.
  2. Second, market movements have been sharp with a risk of becoming disorderly. The Fed learned from the Great Financial Crisis, that they must be nimble when faced with such risks. The overarching goal is to maintain access to credit and funding.
  3. And finally, remember that the Fed embraced “insurance” cuts last year, laying the groundwork for continued easy policy. They made it very clear last year that the intention is to be proactive instead of reactive, especially given the proximity to the zero lower bound and the limited toolkit.

While BofA is now “convinced of Fed action – the only debate is over the timing and magnitude” and “much will depend on the news of the virus over the next two weeks. The CDC has warned that it is only a matter of time before COVID-19 shows up in a more meaningful way in the US. If headlines remain alarming, it will fuel expectations for aggressive Fed easing. However, it is also possible that fear subsides and we enter the March meeting in a calmer state. The latter would prompt only a 25bp cut but we don’t think it will be calm enough to allow the Fed to sit on hold. In other words, good news means 25bp. Continuation of news like this week means 50bp. Worse news about the spread of the virus could prompt an emergency cut. The Fed will be nimble.”

As the chart below shows, this is more than even the market expects:

Of course it will be: it needs to do everything in its power to avoid a market crash which would not only undo 11 years of trillions in liquidity injections, but wipe out what little credibility the US central bank had, resulting in the biggest financial crisis – and market – crash in history. 


Tyler Durden

Fri, 02/28/2020 – 14:32

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The Bad News, The Good News… And What To Do

The Bad News, The Good News… And What To Do

Authored by Bank of America’s Chief Investment Officer, Michael Hartnett

Key takeaways

  • Market cap loss: $6tn in global stocks, $4tn in US stocks in just 6 trading days.
  • Credit “ghost in the machine” remains biggest market risk.
  • We say March will be policy panic month, risk to rally.

The bad news

Credit event: risk of credit event surging…extreme bond ETF volumes (e.g. HYG), ominous breakdown in levered loan ETF BKLN (Chart 2), CDS widening; exogenous shocks often expose bad leverage (e.g. Kobe earthquake led to Barings, Asia crisis… LTCM); liquidation of $1tn annualized bond inflows exposing systemic “ghost in the machine” remains biggest 2020 market risk (catalyst for policy response).

Macro: risk of global recession rising…BofA economists cut 2020 global growth to 2.8%, lowest since 2009 (link); BofA global 2020 EPS model forecasts -3.5% (vs. flat consensus)…model inputs (global PMIs, Asian exports) deteriorating (Chart 3).

Peak globalization: COVID-19 reminder that US/China tension, bifurcated global supply chains, competing technology standards…all negative for corporate profits in 2020s.

Politics: Oddschecker.com shows probability of Sanders victory in Nov’20 election @ 26%, up from 3% Oct’19 (Chart 4); US political risk hitting US$, helps explain surprise YTD outperformance of China stocks (A-shares) vs. S&P500.

Big Top: we had it coming…SPX highs, gigantic bond inflows, record low IG default risk, Microsoft, Apple, Google, Amazon all >$1tn, “toppy” corporate behavior; new lows in bond yields popped “irrational bubble” (we thought it would be Q2); “Showtime” for markets…big secular monthly floors for stocks (SPX 3000, NYA 12000, MXWD 500) must hold to prevent “Big Top”, end of bull market narrative (credit signals poor – Chart 5).

The good news…

Policy: “markets stop panicking when policy-makers start panicking”; March = policy panic month; policy-makers behind-curve, have 3/4 weeks to prevent small businesses cutting employment US & EU; Fed cuts 25/50 bps + China/Europe fiscal stimulus + semblance of global policy coordination = calmer “animal spirits” + risk rally; yield curve steeper this week, and fears of policy impotence, ironically, will boost easing impact.

Bigger PictureYCC+MMT: crash/ recession worries accelerates Fed shift to Yield Curve Control (YCC – heavily hinted last Friday by Fed Governor Brainard) and “fixed” low rates; also accelerates shift from QE to Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) to finance fiscal spending frenzy in coming quarters…will mark crucial low in inflation expectations.

Price: BofA CTIs models today show US & EU stocks extremely oversold, US Treasuries extremely overbought; BofA Global Breadth Rule closed at 62%, could imminently hit “buy signal” of 88% (of MSCI country indices <50- & 200dma); classic crash barometers (e.g. Swiss franc vs. Brazilian real - Chart 6) ripe for reversal.

Positioning: BofA Bull & Bear Indicator peaked @ 7.1 Jan 22nd; now 4.6 (Chart 1); $20bn equity outflows this week = 19th largest past 15 years & 3rd biggest week HY bond outflow ever ($6.9bn) signal capitulation begins; record week of tech fund inflow ($2.6bn) & 7th most into IG bond funds ($11.8bn) shows capitulation incomplete.

What to do

Watch: decline in gold & Treasuries to signal panic over; decline in US IG bonds to signal its just beginning; key monthly floors of SPX 3000, NYA 12000, MXWD 500.

Buy stocks: we adjust 2020 EPS of $175 to $160 (as a 40% probability of recession means 8% EPS haircut) and apply policy reaction/yield collapse PE of 17-18X…says SPX 2880-3040 good entry point back into S&P500 (Chart 7).

Barbell stocks: 1998 analog (policy panic leads to upside) says own barbell of extreme growth and extreme value…long US Tech/FAANG and long “value ghettos” of Asia cyclicals/FTSE/oil.

Sell Treasuries: Fed panic to steepen yield curve; Treasury ETF TLT currently 2SD overbought (Chart 8).

Diversify via commodities & cash: use rally to position for rise of stagflation (demand-led lower growth, supply-led higher inflation; note in stagflation shock of Dec’68 to Sept’74 portfolio 60-40 stock-bonds dropped 5.5%, while portfolio of a 25-25-25-25 stock-bonds-commodities-cash rose 31.4% over period (Chart 9).


Tyler Durden

Fri, 02/28/2020 – 14:10

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If Bloomberg’s Arrogance Worries You, His Weaselly Positions on Presidential Power Won’t Reassure You

The ban on big beverages that Democratic presidential contender Michael Bloomberg tried to impose when he was mayor of New York City reflects not only his strong paternalistic instincts but also his impatience with legal restraints on executive power. Instead of seeking new legislation restricting sales of sugary drinks, Bloomberg unilaterally decreed, via the New York Board of Health, that customers of food service establishments would not be allowed to buy more than a pint at a time. A judge, an appeals court panel, and the state’s highest court all agreed that the soda serving ceiling exceeded the board’s legal authority.

Given Bloomberg’s history of pursuing his goals without regard for the separation of powers, voters might reasonably wonder whether he would respect legal limits on his authority as president. A New York Times questionnaire about presidential power gave him an opportunity to reassure them. But for the most part, his weaselly responses can only reinforce fears that a President Bloomberg would do what he thinks is right, whether or not it is authorized by the Constitution.

Bloomberg thinks the president has the authority to wage war at his own discretion, whenever he believes it is “necessary to protect the country”:

I would be extremely reluctant as President to commit the armed forces to hostilities in another country, without congressional authorization, beyond circumstances that involve an imminent threat to the United States, its people or property. It would be unwise for me as a candidate for president to categorically rule out committing the armed forces in such circumstances. I know that unforeseen circumstances can arise in matters of national security. But bypassing Congress should only be contemplated when action is necessary to protect the country and is limited in scope and duration.

Bloomberg also believes the president has the authority to assassinate U.S. citizens in foreign countries based on allegations that they are involved in terrorism. “I would have no hesitation to authorize lethal force against such an individual overseas in a location where arrest or capture is infeasible,” he said, “so long as our national security lawyers determine such action is lawful.”

As for terrorism suspects in the United States, Bloomberg said he “would be extremely concerned if a U.S. citizen were arrested on U.S. soil, by U.S. law enforcement, and turned over to the U.S. military for wartime detention and criminal prosecution in a military commission.” He added that “our federal civilian courts have an impressive track record of bringing suspected terrorists to justice, both in terms of efficiency and security.”

The Times asked Bloomberg about three cases in which the president violated the law in the name of national security: “After 9/11, the NSA wiretapped on domestic soil without court orders seemingly required by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and the CIA used coercive interrogation techniques on prisoners despite antitorture laws and treaties. In the 2014 Bergdahl deal, the military transferred five Guantanamo detainees to Qatar without giving Congress the 30 days notice seemingly required by a detainee transfer law.”

Bloomberg acknowledged the illegality of those actions and said he rejects Attorney General William Barr’s broad view of presidential authority. But then he added this: “As president I would govern by the principle that presidential authority is at its zenith when authorized by both the Constitution and acts of Congress, and is at its weakest and riskiest when contrary to an act of Congress but somehow authorized by a broad reading of the Constitution.”

That allusion to Youngston Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer, the 1952 case in which the Supreme Court ruled that President Harry Truman’s seizure of steel mills violated the separation of powers, is meant to be reassuring. But the formulation still leaves Bloomberg wiggle room to act “contrary to an act of Congress” if he believes Congress has impinged on the president’s authority.

Bloomberg likewise hedged on the practice of replacing vetoes with signing statements that reserve the right to ignore specific provisions of a bill that the president finds objectionable. “If a bill is unconstitutional,” he said, “the right response is almost always to veto it, not to sign it and to say that it is unconstitutional. But in very rare circumstances—which I hope would never arise—I would reserve the right to follow longstanding practice and sign a bill of which I generally approve, but also to point to Constitutional weaknesses in specific provisions.”

The Times asked Bloomberg about the federal indictment of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, which includes Espionage Act charges that effectively criminalize the work of investigative journalists whose reporting is based on classified material. “Are these charges constitutional?” the paper asked. “Would your administration continue the Espionage Act part of the case against Assange?”

Instead of answering those questions, Bloomberg offered an anodyne statement about freedom of the press, followed by a promise that he “would adopt a very strong presumption” against trying to imprison reporters who share information the government would prefer to keep secret. You might expect a firmer commitment from a man who made his fortune in the news business.

On the positive side, Bloomberg said Congress has the power to criminalize corrupt uses of presidential power, and he agreed that the president can be guilty of obstructing justice when he uses his otherwise lawful authority to “impede an investigation for corrupt reasons,” although he hedged on the question of whether a sitting president can be indicted. He also said executive privilege “should never shield criminal or improper communications” and “in general” should be limited to “deliberations or policy advice directed to the president from within the executive branch.”

Answers to press questions about executive power obviously do not constitute a binding contract. Barack Obama, responding to a similar questionnaire in 2007, went considerably further than Bloomberg on the issue of the president’s war powers, categorically stating that “the President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation.” That did not stop Obama, once elected, from attacking LibyaSyria, and ISIS without congressional approval or an imminent threat to the nation.

Still, a candidate’s understanding of presidential authority is unlikely to become more restrained after he moves into the White House. Bloomberg has put us on notice that, when it comes to waging war, killing Americans in foreign countries, selectively flouting the law, and prosecuting journalists, he will do whatever he thinks is appropriate. Voters have to decide whether they are comfortable with that prospect.

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The National Debt Is ‘Unsustainable’ and the Pentagon’s Finances Are a Total Mess, Federal Audit Says

The federal government’s books are in such bad shape that auditors can’t even do their jobs, and the national debt is growing at an “unsustainable” rate, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) warned in its annual comprehensive review of the government’s financial statements.

The GAO singled out the Pentagon—as it has every year since 1990, when federal auditors first started trying to peer into the black hole of military spending—for “serious financial management problems.” That includes more than 1,300 new issues raised during this year’s incomplete audit of the Defense Department. Despite those persistent financial problems, the Pentagon has seen a huge boost in spending under the Trump administration.

Of the 24 federal departments and agencies subject to annual audits under a 1990 law, only the Pentagon and the Department of Housing and Urban Development failed to get a clean review this year. Note that a clean review does not mean there was no wasteful spending—merely that auditors at least were able to see where the spending was going.

“Resolving the problems outlined in our audit report is of utmost importance given the federal government’s reported fiscal path,” wrote Gene L. Dodaro, U.S. comptroller general and the head of the GAO, in a letter to Congress and President Donald Trump. “Absent policy changes, the federal government continues to face an unsustainable long-term fiscal path.”

Measured as a share of the entire U.S. economy, the national debt has doubled in just 12 years and is on pace to grow to historical highs within the next decade. The federal government’s budget deficit—the gap between how much revenue it raises and how much money it spends—is expected to exceed $1 trillion this year.

“While the estimated magnitude of the fiscal gap is subject to a substantial amount of uncertainty, it is nevertheless nearly certain that current fiscal policies cannot be sustained indefinitely,” the GAO’s report concluded. The sooner the growth of the deficit and debt can be slowed or reversed, the less those policies are likely to affect economic growth.

But is anyone listening? Lawmakers from both major parties have worked together in recent years to pass budgets that exploded annual deficits and added to the debt. Democrats running for president are promising to hike federal spending by trillions of dollars to pay for free college, government-run health care, and the fight against climate change—and even though they are also promising to raise taxes, the math doesn’t add up. That means deficits will continue to grow. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump has abandoned any pretense of fiscal conservatism, and most of his party has followed suit.

But the report is right there for them to see. When the past decade’s fiscal recklessness hits the fan, they won’t be able to claim that no one saw this coming.

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