FBI Counterterrorism Official Admits Agency Doesn’t Track Antifa Violence

FBI Counterterrorism Official Admits Agency Doesn’t Track Antifa Violence

Last week, the FBI’s Assistant Director of Counterterrorism, Timothy Langan, admitted that the Bureau doesn’t track ‘Antifa’ violence – as they don’t consider the leftist group to be an ‘organization.’

Via TownHall:

In a congressional hearing last week titled “Confronting Violent White Supremacy (Part VI): Examining the Biden Administration’s Counterterrorism Strategy,” FBI Assistant Director of Counterterrorism Timothy Langan said that the Bureau doesn’t consider Antifa to be an “organization,” and as such does not have specific information on the group’s activities. 

In response to a question about how much violence or domestic terrorism Antifa committed in recent years from Rep. Nancy Mace (R-SC), Langan had nothing to offer. 

“Under the anti-government category or subcategory of domestic terrorism — would that include groups like Antifa or Black Lives Matter, folks who commit violence or acts of domestic terrorism?” Mace asked.

Well, we don’t identify groups but individuals’ actions,” Langan responded. “So if individuals are committing actions that would be in furtherance of anti-government or anarchist ideals then they would fall into that category.”

Watch:

Yet, in 2020 – under President Trump, FBI Director Chirstopher Wray told Congress: “We have seen Antifa adherence coalescing and working together in what I would describe as small groups and nodes,” adding that the bureau was conducting multiple investigations “into some anarchist violent extremists, some of whom operate through these nodes.”

In September 2020, Wray said ‘Antifa is a real thing.’

Antifa is a real thing. It’s not a group or an organization. It’s a movement, or an ideology may be one way of thinking of it … And we have quite a number — and I’ve said this quite consistently since my first time appearing before this committee — we have any number of properly predicated investigations into what we would describe as violent anarchist extremists and some of those individuals self-identify with Antifa.”

What’s more, in 2017 the FBI and DHS classified Antifa activities as “domestic terrorist violence.”

Federal authorities have been warning state and local officials since early 2016 that leftist extremists known as “antifa” had become increasingly confrontational and dangerous, so much so that the Department of Homeland Security formally classified their activities as “domestic terrorist violence,” according to interviews and confidential law enforcement documents obtained by POLITICO. –Politico

Yet, Langan made clear that the FBI isn’t taking Antifa seriously.

“The director has previously described them as a ‘movement’ and there have been individuals that have associated or identified with Antifa that have conducted violent acts that we would categorize as anarchist,” he said, after Mace asked if he would classify Antifa as an anarchist group.

Mace pushed back, asking “How many acts of violence or domestic terrorism has Antifa committed over the last two years?” To which Langan replied: “Since we don’t categorize Antifa, nor do we calculate or collate information regarding Antifa, that movement, we don’t have that.”

Last August, then Attorney General William Barr said that Antifa is a “revolutionary group” bent on establishing communism or socialism in the US.

“They are a revolutionary group that is interested in some form of socialism, communism. They’re essentially Bolsheviks. Their tactics are fascistic,” Barr told Fox News.

Related:

Antifa Plots Acid Attack At DC Free Speech Rally

 “We Know Where You Sleep At Night”: Antifa Mob Whose Founder Loves Assassination Targets Tucker Carlson At Home

Watch: “Street Anarchy” As Antifa Attacks Portland Drivers That Don’t Obey

Bay Area TV Anchor: “I Experienced Hate First Hand Today In Berkeley” From Antifa

“Let’s Kill Some Cops”: Antifa Infiltrated By Undercover Trump Supporter, Recorded Plotting Attacks

“Still Think This Is An Idea?” – San Francisco Free-Speech Marchers, Police Violently Attacked By Antifa

Conservative Journalist Jack Posobiec Assaulted By DC Antifa

The FBI, however, apparently agrees with Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-NY)…

Tyler Durden
Tue, 10/05/2021 – 19:05

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Large New York Health Care System Fires 1,400 Unvaccinated Workers

Large New York Health Care System Fires 1,400 Unvaccinated Workers

Authored by Zachary Stieber via The Epoch Times,

A large New York health care system on Monday said it fired 1,400 workers because they declined to get a COVID-19 vaccine.

Northwell Health terminated approximately 2 percent of its workforce, which spans across New York City, Westchester, and Long Island.

The workforce across the 23-hospital system is now 100 percent vaccinated, the system told news outlets in a statement.

“Northwell believes that having a fully vaccinated workforce is an important measure in our duty to protect the health and safety of our staff, our patients, and the communities we serve,” the health care system said. 

“This allows us to continue to provide exceptional care at all of our facilities, without interruption and remain open and fully operational.”

Northwell regrets losing any employee under such circumstances, but as health care professionals and members of the largest health care provider in the state, we understand our unique responsibility to protect the health of our patients and each other. We owe it to our staff, our patients, and the communities we serve to be 100 percent vaccinated against COVID-19,” it added.

A spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether any religious or medical exemptions were granted.

Madison Square Garden displays the Northwell Health Hope Tracker in New York City on April 25, 2020. (Jamie McCarthy/Getty Images)

Health care workers in New York were ordered by Gov. Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, to get a COVID-19 vaccine. A legal challenge was partially dismissed late last month except for those seeking a religious exemption. Additionally, President Joe Biden’s administration plans on releasing a new nationwide requirement for employers who have 100 or more workers to mandate a vaccine or weekly COVID-19 testing.

Thousands of unvaccinated health care workers were placed on unpaid leave last week due to Hochul’s mandate. The situation led to some disruptions. Strong Memorial Hospital, for instance, said it was pausing some elective procedures for two weeks.

Northwell workers fired because of their refusal to get vaccinated were being denied benefits like employer contributions to retirement plans, The Epoch Times previously reported.

John Trinchino, a registered nurse, told The New York Times he was fired from his job at Staten Island University Hospital, which is part of Northwell, last week.

Trinchino said he didn’t agree with the vaccine mandate because he had recovered from COVID-19. Studies show people who recover from the disease, which is caused by the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) virus, enjoy similar protection against later infection than those who are vaccinated.

“All this is going to lead to is worse care for the patients, and I’m just disgusted by it,” he said.

Northwell workers protested against the mandate on the day it went into effect, arguing it violated people’s freedoms. [delete]

Karen Roses, a patient care technician at a Northwell hospital in Riverhead, New York, told The Epoch Times that she knew her refusal to get a vaccine could mean she loses her job, but said she’s “not going to be bullied or pressured [by] anybody for any reason.”

“It’s not an anti-vaccine statement. It’s a freedom of choice statement,” she said.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 10/05/2021 – 18:45

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Dems Try To Sneak Handout That Provides “Billions Of Dollars” To Illegal Aliens With Kids Into Biden’s Spending Bill

Dems Try To Sneak Handout That Provides “Billions Of Dollars” To Illegal Aliens With Kids Into Biden’s Spending Bill

Among all the other pork that Democrats are likely going to stuff into President Biden’s $3.5 trillion spending bill is now a handout that provides “billions of dollars in cash” to illegal aliens with children.

The bill “extends the Child Tax Credit to anyone in the United States who provides an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number,” according to the Washington Free Beacon.

Previously, Federal law had required a valid social security number to receive cash from the government. Under the new rules, illegal immigrants could receive monthly payments of $250 to $300 per child.

The tax credit expansion for illegal aliens cost between $2.025 billion to $2.43 billion a year, the report estimated. There are between 675,000 and 800,000 children in the U.S. who are not eligible for social security numbers. 

Families would be eligible for checks of $3,600 per year, per child, regardless of their legal status, the report says. 

Photo/NYT

Welfare policy expert Samuel Hammond said: “Consider that the value of the CTC for an infant child is now $3,600 per year. That alone represents 40 percent of Colombia’s per capita income, and nearly 120 percent of Haiti’s. This is why countries with unconditional welfare benefits also tend to have relatively restrictive immigration laws,” Hammond wrote in American Compass. “America’s historical openness to immigration, in contrast, has in large part been enabled by rules and program structures that minimize the fiscal cost of lower wage migrants.”

The U.S. is already facing a “historic” surge of migrants applying for asylum and incentivizing the trip with handouts “risks compounding the crisis,” the Washington Free Beacon wrote.

In Norway, one study from 2015 showed that increased welfare benefits to poorer European country immigrants generated “substantial (expected) costs for the welfare state” and a distorted labor market.

The study concluded: “For families with children, [the cash benefit] entails that a job in Norway may be attractive even if the offered wage is extremely low. For example, the Norwegian cash‐for‐care subsidy for a one‐year-old child now amounts to NOK 6,000 per month, which … corresponds to 629 Euros, or around 80 percent of average earnings in Poland. Such features give employers and prospective immigrant employees incentives to agree on very low wages and poor working conditions.”

Tyler Durden
Tue, 10/05/2021 – 18:25

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Landlords Express Frustration With LA’s Eviction Moratorium As State Eviction Ban Ends

Landlords Express Frustration With LA’s Eviction Moratorium As State Eviction Ban Ends

Authored by Micaela Ricaforte via The Epoch Times,

Landlords in California breathed a sigh of relief when the state’s eviction ban ended last week; however, the city of Los Angeles’s moratorium will continue as long as the city is in a state of local emergency.

Bans on tenant evictions were implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic on federal, state, and city levels; many of those eviction bans are coming to an end as the nation sees an overall decline in the unemployment rate, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

In August, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention lacked authority to impose a federal eviction ban; the Supreme Court instead said that Congress must enact such a policy.

California’s eviction moratorium ended last week on Sept. 30.

However, the city of Los Angeles’s eviction ban will likely go on for at least another year, while tenants in Los Angeles County will also have eviction protections as well under a motion passed last month.

Some in favor of an extended eviction moratorium argue that Los Angeles’s already high rates of homelessness may skyrocket when renters who have not been able to pay rent are evicted as the moratorium ends.

Though both city and state are making efforts to support both landlords and tenants under the moratorium, some landlords express frustration with the city’s handling of the eviction ban.

“I can’t believe that this has been handled as if nothing is happening to landlords,” Carrie Cunningham-Holmes told The Epoch Times.

Last month, the city of Los Angeles began offering rental assistance to both landlords and tenants under the Emergency Renters Assistance Program for those who have not been able to pay rent because of the pandemic.

According to the city’s website, the city of LA received 49,633 total rent relief applications, which amounts to over $725 million in rent relief, with the average assistance being about $15,220 per application. The city has paid out over $31 million as of Sept. 27.

In August, Councilman Kevin de León introduced a motion to shorten the timeline for landlords to receive back rent for tenants who couldn’t pay their rent. The motion called on the Los Angeles Housing and Community Investment Department to pay all landlords’ outstanding applications by Oct. 1.

In a previous interview, Cunningham-Holmes told The Epoch Times that she filed for renters’ relief funds at the beginning of July. On Oct. 4, however, she said that she still hadn’t received any relief funds.

“I don’t think they realize the [bind] they’re putting us in,” Cunningham-Holmes said.

“You know, you can’t go a year and a half and not do [maintenance] things around your building.”

The water bill in one of her buildings has more than doubled in cost, she said, due to people working from home because of the pandemic.

“My bill has gone up since people have been home and moving in extra people that we cannot evict. These extra tenants are creating excessive expenses, excessive water uses,” Cunningham-Holmes said in the previous interview.

The Housing and Community Investment Department didn’t respond to a request for comment by press time.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 10/05/2021 – 18:05

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Justice Jackson on Religious Frauds, Easter Bunnies, and Judging

I was recently reminded of Justice Jackson’s brilliant dissenting opinion in U.S. v. Ballard; it’s much worth reading in its entirety (it’s mostly about whether someone could be prosecuted for fraud in religious fundraising), but here’s one passage:

I do not know what degree of skepticism or disbelief in a religious representation amounts to actionable fraud…. Some who profess belief in the Bible read literally what others read as allegory or metaphor, as they read Aesop’s fables. Religious symbolism is even used by some with the same mental reservations one has in teaching of Santa Claus or Uncle Sam or Easter bunnies or dispassionate judges.

It is hard in matters so mystical to say how literally one is bound to believe the doctrine he teaches and even more difficult to say how far it is reliance upon a teacher’s literal belief which induces followers to give him money…. When does less than full belief in a professed credo become actionable fraud if one is soliciting gifts or legacies? Such inquiries may discomfort orthodox as well as unconventional religious teachers, for even the most regular of them are sometimes accused of taking their orthodoxy with a grain of salt….

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Bitcoin Soars As SEC’s Gensler Echos Powell: Promises No China-Style Crypto Ban In US

Bitcoin Soars As SEC’s Gensler Echos Powell: Promises No China-Style Crypto Ban In US

One day after Citadel billionaire founder-CEO Ken Griffin compared the crypto craze a “jihadist” attack on the dollar (not that this would stop Citadel from getting involved in the market once it’s properly regulated), SEC Chairman Gary Gensler said Tuesday afternoon that the SEC has no plans to “ban” bitcoin, like Griffin speculated might happen.

Gensler’s claim echoes a similar remark made by Fed Chairman Jerome Powell last week during his testimony on the economy before the House Financial Services Committee, who said the Fed has no intentions of banning crypto, like China has.

Despite his frequent clashes with crypto industry after promising to create a strict regulatory framework for the new asset class, even Gensler says the “the government’s focus is on ensuring that the industry adheres to investor and consumer protection rules, anti-money laundering regulations and tax laws.”

Gensler made the comment while answering a question during a House hearing after a Republican lawmaker asked if a China-like prohibition was on the table in the US.

When it comes to regulating crypto, the approaches being embraced by the US and China are “really quite different,” Gensler said Ultimately, if the US were to pursue a China-like ban, that would be a decision made by Congress. Gensler says the SEC is simply trying to bring crypto “within the investor protection remit” of the SEC.

Gensler’s comments were only the latest piece of good news that has propelled bitcoin higher lately (just as Powell’s comments last week).

Even though Gensler’s comments aren’t exactly groundbreaking (they certainly jive with what he said during his big crypto policy speech back in August), bitcoin bulls were thrilled that Gensler has somewhat walked back more ominous tone towards a “reckoning” for Crypto from the OCC (while Treasury Secretary Yellen remains less than thrilled at the crypto-space). We can only imagine how Biden’s new nominee for OCC head feels about cryptos.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 10/05/2021 – 17:45

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3laI72q Tyler Durden

Justice Jackson on Religious Frauds, Easter Bunnies, and Judging

I was recently reminded of Justice Jackson’s brilliant dissenting opinion in U.S. v. Ballard; it’s much worth reading in its entirety (it’s mostly about whether someone could be prosecuted for fraud in religious fundraising), but here’s one passage:

I do not know what degree of skepticism or disbelief in a religious representation amounts to actionable fraud…. Some who profess belief in the Bible read literally what others read as allegory or metaphor, as they read Aesop’s fables. Religious symbolism is even used by some with the same mental reservations one has in teaching of Santa Claus or Uncle Sam or Easter bunnies or dispassionate judges.

It is hard in matters so mystical to say how literally one is bound to believe the doctrine he teaches and even more difficult to say how far it is reliance upon a teacher’s literal belief which induces followers to give him money…. When does less than full belief in a professed credo become actionable fraud if one is soliciting gifts or legacies? Such inquiries may discomfort orthodox as well as unconventional religious teachers, for even the most regular of them are sometimes accused of taking their orthodoxy with a grain of salt….

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Hostage Negotiations, Marijuana, and Police Officers’ Rights in Disciplinary Proceedings

From Mole’ v. City of Durham, decided today by the North Carolina Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Judge Lucy Inman, joined by Judges Valerie Zachary and Jeffery Carpenter; note that the court ultimately holds for the police officer based on the alleged violation of his department-created procedural rights, not on any substantive protections for his conduct (however laudable the judges might view it to be, if I’m reading the tone of the opening paragraph right):

In his first experience negotiating the surrender of an armed and barricaded suspect, without another negotiator backing him up, Durham Police Sergeant Michael Mole’ might have given up when the suspect’s gun discharged at close range. He didn’t, and two hours later he had persuaded the suspect to drop his weapon and surrender. The suspect, other citizens, and law enforcement officers were safe. But Sergeant Mole’ was fired because he had secured the suspect’s surrender by promising to allow him to smoke a marijuana cigarette once in custody, and he made good on the promise immediately following the arrest….

Sergeant Mole’ sued the City of Durham …. Because the complaint alleges a colorable violation of Article I, Section 1 of the North Carolina Constitution, which protects each person’s right to enjoy the fruits of their own labor, we hold the trial court erred in dismissing that claim….

On 28 June 2016, the Durham Police Department dispatched officers to an apartment in Durham to serve an arrest warrant on Julius Smoot …. After entering the apartment, officers discovered that Smoot had barricaded himself in an upstairs bedroom. Smoot yelled that he had a gun and that he would use it on himself in ten minutes unless he was allowed to see his wife and son. The officers retreated and requested a hostage negotiator.

Sergeant Mole’ was the only hostage negotiator on duty at the time. He arrived at the apartment five minutes before Smoot’s deadline and began negotiations with the primary goals of extending the deadline and keeping Smoot alive. During these negotiations, Smoot accidentally discharged his firearm.

Sergeant Mole’ continued to negotiate with Smoot for approximately two hours. During this time, Smoot said he planned to smoke a “blunt,” a marijuana cigarette. Sergeant Mole’, reluctant to allow an armed and barricaded subject to impair his mental state, asked Smoot to refrain. Sergeant Mole’ promised Smoot that if he disarmed and peacefully surrendered, he would be allowed to smoke the blunt.

Smoot then dropped his gun, handcuffed himself, and surrendered to Sergeant Mole’ in the apartment. Still in handcuffs, Smoot asked for his pack of legal tobacco cigarettes and lighter, which were on a nearby table, and Sergeant Mole’ handed those items to him. Smoot then pulled a marijuana blunt from behind his ear, lit it with the lighter, and smoked approximately half of it.

The Durham Police Department launched an internal investigation of Sergeant Mole’s actions following Smoot’s peaceful surrender. On 24 October 2016, approximately four months after the incident, Sergeant Mole’ was informed in writing that a pre-disciplinary hearing would take place the next day, despite Durham’s written policy requiring advance notice of at least three days. Following the hearing, Sergeant Mole’s immediate supervisors recommended that he be reprimanded. But Durham terminated him….

Sergeant Mole’ argues that his termination violated his right to the fruits of his labor guaranteed by Article I, Section 1 of the North Carolina Constitution. This provision ensures each person the right to “life, liberty, the enjoyment of the fruits of their own labor, and the pursuit of happiness.” Unlike the due process and equal protection provisions of our state constitution, which have been interpreted to provide the same protection as provisions in the federal constitution, this guarantee has no analogous federal constitutional clause.

The “fruits of their own labor” clause was added to our state constitution in 1868. It was adopted the same year the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was ratified, at a time when formerly enslaved persons were newly able to work for their own benefit. See John V. Orth, The North Carolina State Constitution with History and Commentary 38 (1995) (recognizing that the clause was “an addition that may have been intended to strike an ideological blow at the slave labor system”).

Our appellate courts did not consider the clause until the 20th century, when it was applied to check the State’s professional licensing powers. See generally, e.g., State v. Harris (1940) (dry cleaning); State v. Ballance (1949) (photography); Roller v. Allen (1957) (tile installation). These decisions recognized a person’s ability to earn a livelihood as a protected constitutional right and struck down licensing restrictions not rationally related to public health, safety, or welfare and not reasonably necessary to promote a public good or prevent a public harm.

In recent years, our Supreme Court has extended application of the fruits of one’s labor clause beyond licensing restrictions to other state actions that interfere with one’s right to earn a livelihood. King v. Town of Chapel Hill (2014) held that a town ordinance capping towing fees was arbitrary and violated tow truck drivers’ rights to enjoy the fruits of their labor. Tully v. City of Wilmington (2018) held that a municipal police department violated a public employee’s constitutional right to enjoy the fruits of his own labor when it failed to follow its own promotion procedures.

Tully involved a Wilmington police officer who was denied a promotion after he failed a mandatory examination that tested an officer’s knowledge of the law. His exam answers were correct based on the current state of the law, but he failed the exam because the answer key was outdated. Written department policy laid out the promotion and examination procedures and provided that candidates could appeal any portion of the selection process, so the officer sought to appeal his test results. The City of Wilmington refused to hear the officer’s appeal, determining the test results “were not a grievable item” and that nothing could be done.

Our Supreme Court held that this denial of process violated the officer’s constitutional rights under Article I, Section 1, reasoning the provision applies “when a governmental entity acts in an arbitrary and capricious manner toward one of its employees by failing to abide by promotional procedures that the employer itself put in place.” It established the following requirements to plead such a constitutional claim:

“[T]o state a direct constitutional claim grounded in this unique right under the North Carolina Constitution, a public employee must show that no other state law remedy is available and plead facts establishing three elements: (1) a clear, established rule or policy existed regarding the employment promotional process that furthered a legitimate governmental interest; (2) the employer violated that policy; and (3) the plaintiff was injured as a result of that violation.” …

Our understanding of Tully and its rationale, combined with its instruction to “give our [state] Constitution a liberal interpretation in favor of its citizens with respect to those provisions which were designed to safeguard the liberty and security of the citizens in regard to both person and property,” leads us to hold that Article I, Section 1 applies to the disciplinary action taken against Sergeant Mole’…. Presnell v. Pell (1979) … recognized an allegedly unreasonable termination of a public school teacher implicated “the right to engage in any of the common occupations of life, unfettered by unreasonable restrictions imposed by actions of the state or its agencies.” …. It is undeniable that unreasonable employee discipline—including termination—by a government employer implicates this same right and raises the same concerns….

Sergeant Mole’s complaint alleges several policy violations of varying stripes, namely: (1) the acting watch commander failed to deploy the hostage negotiation team, the Special Enforcement Team, or stage fire and emergency medical services; (2) the watch commander negotiated with Smoot without Sergeant Mole’s knowledge; (3) an “after-action report/critical incident critique” was not completed; (4) Sergeant Mole’ took Smoot into custody because the designated tactical personnel were never deployed; (5) Sergeant Mole’ was not offered psychological services following the incident; (6) other officers failed to secure prior written consent to conduct the search that initiated the standoff with Smoot; (7) the incident should have been designated a high-risk warrant service but was not; (8) Sergeant Mole’ was not provided quarterly training and he did not meet annually with the department’s Special Enforcement Team as required for hostage negotiators; and (9) Durham gave Sergeant Mole’ only 24 hours’ notice of his pre-disciplinary conference instead of the minimum 72 hours’ notice mandated by policy.

The first eight policy violations alleged above put Sergeant Mole’ into an untenable position, but they do not state a claim under Tully. Tully protects public employees from unreasonable violations of employment policies, not field operating or training procedures that do not bear upon internal processes governing the employer-employee relationship.

But Sergeant Mole’s allegation that he was given improper and inadequate notice of his pre-disciplinary hearing does fall within Article I, Section 1’s protections. This shortened notice period violated Durham’s own employment disciplinary procedures. Sergeant Mole’ further alleges that these pre-disciplinary procedures were designed to further a legitimate government interest, namely that its employees be treated fairly in the administration of discipline. Sergeant Mole’ has thus pled a redressable violation of his employer’s disciplinary procedures designed to further a legitimate governmental interest, in satisfaction of the first two elements from Tully.

Sergeant Mole’ has likewise satisfied the final element, injury, based on a liberal construction of his complaint. Sergeant Mole’ specifically alleges that “[h]ad [he] been afforded his opportunity … to prepare at a minimum of three days instead of less than 24 hours, Sergeant Mole’ would have had reasonable notice and could have better prepared and provided a more comprehensive response.” From there, he asserts Durham “failed to comply with mandatory conditions precedent before proceeding with dismissal … [and] did not comply with its own stated [disciplinary] policies,” before alleging Durham’s “conduct including actions and omissions in its treatment of Sergeant Mole’ w[as] arbitrary, capricious, irrational and predicated upon selective enforcement of personnel and law enforcement policies and disparate treatment in discipline and thereby deprived Sergeant Mole’ of the fruits of [his] labors.” These allegations are similar to those held adequate to demonstrate a claim in Tully, and we therefore hold Sergeant Mole’ has sufficiently alleged he “was injured as a result of [Durham’s procedural] violation[s].”

We acknowledge North Carolina’s general policy of at-will employment, long established in common law. We do not hold that Durham could not terminate Sergeant Mole’ based on the conduct at issue, or that Durham could not terminate Sergeant Mole’ without cause. Given the stage of proceedings, “we express no opinion on the ultimate viability of [Sergeant Mole’]s claim.” Like the Supreme Court in Tully, “we [do] not speculate regarding whether [Sergeant Mole’] would [not have been terminated] had [Durham] followed its own [disciplinary] policy.” At this early stage of litigation, we do not address whether Sergeant Mole’ must be reinstated or what relief must be afforded to him should he prevail, as “[i]t will be a matter for the trial judge to craft the necessary relief.” We only hold that Durham must follow its own disciplinary procedures—created to protect its legitimate governmental interest in treating city employees fairly—in discharging Sergeant Mole’. If the evidence shows that Durham failed to do so and that Sergeant Mole’ was harmed by that failure, Article I, Section 1 of our Constitution provides a remedy….

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Hostage Negotiations, Marijuana, and Police Officers’ Rights in Disciplinary Proceedings

From Mole’ v. City of Durham, decided today by the North Carolina Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Judge Lucy Inman, joined by Judges Valerie Zachary and Jeffery Carpenter; note that the court ultimately holds for the police officer based on the alleged violation of his department-created procedural rights, not on any substantive protections for his conduct (however laudable the judges might view it to be, if I’m reading the tone of the opening paragraph right):

In his first experience negotiating the surrender of an armed and barricaded suspect, without another negotiator backing him up, Durham Police Sergeant Michael Mole’ might have given up when the suspect’s gun discharged at close range. He didn’t, and two hours later he had persuaded the suspect to drop his weapon and surrender. The suspect, other citizens, and law enforcement officers were safe. But Sergeant Mole’ was fired because he had secured the suspect’s surrender by promising to allow him to smoke a marijuana cigarette once in custody, and he made good on the promise immediately following the arrest….

Sergeant Mole’ sued the City of Durham …. Because the complaint alleges a colorable violation of Article I, Section 1 of the North Carolina Constitution, which protects each person’s right to enjoy the fruits of their own labor, we hold the trial court erred in dismissing that claim….

On 28 June 2016, the Durham Police Department dispatched officers to an apartment in Durham to serve an arrest warrant on Julius Smoot …. After entering the apartment, officers discovered that Smoot had barricaded himself in an upstairs bedroom. Smoot yelled that he had a gun and that he would use it on himself in ten minutes unless he was allowed to see his wife and son. The officers retreated and requested a hostage negotiator.

Sergeant Mole’ was the only hostage negotiator on duty at the time. He arrived at the apartment five minutes before Smoot’s deadline and began negotiations with the primary goals of extending the deadline and keeping Smoot alive. During these negotiations, Smoot accidentally discharged his firearm.

Sergeant Mole’ continued to negotiate with Smoot for approximately two hours. During this time, Smoot said he planned to smoke a “blunt,” a marijuana cigarette. Sergeant Mole’, reluctant to allow an armed and barricaded subject to impair his mental state, asked Smoot to refrain. Sergeant Mole’ promised Smoot that if he disarmed and peacefully surrendered, he would be allowed to smoke the blunt.

Smoot then dropped his gun, handcuffed himself, and surrendered to Sergeant Mole’ in the apartment. Still in handcuffs, Smoot asked for his pack of legal tobacco cigarettes and lighter, which were on a nearby table, and Sergeant Mole’ handed those items to him. Smoot then pulled a marijuana blunt from behind his ear, lit it with the lighter, and smoked approximately half of it.

The Durham Police Department launched an internal investigation of Sergeant Mole’s actions following Smoot’s peaceful surrender. On 24 October 2016, approximately four months after the incident, Sergeant Mole’ was informed in writing that a pre-disciplinary hearing would take place the next day, despite Durham’s written policy requiring advance notice of at least three days. Following the hearing, Sergeant Mole’s immediate supervisors recommended that he be reprimanded. But Durham terminated him….

Sergeant Mole’ argues that his termination violated his right to the fruits of his labor guaranteed by Article I, Section 1 of the North Carolina Constitution. This provision ensures each person the right to “life, liberty, the enjoyment of the fruits of their own labor, and the pursuit of happiness.” Unlike the due process and equal protection provisions of our state constitution, which have been interpreted to provide the same protection as provisions in the federal constitution, this guarantee has no analogous federal constitutional clause.

The “fruits of their own labor” clause was added to our state constitution in 1868. It was adopted the same year the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was ratified, at a time when formerly enslaved persons were newly able to work for their own benefit. See John V. Orth, The North Carolina State Constitution with History and Commentary 38 (1995) (recognizing that the clause was “an addition that may have been intended to strike an ideological blow at the slave labor system”).

Our appellate courts did not consider the clause until the 20th century, when it was applied to check the State’s professional licensing powers. See generally, e.g., State v. Harris (1940) (dry cleaning); State v. Ballance (1949) (photography); Roller v. Allen (1957) (tile installation). These decisions recognized a person’s ability to earn a livelihood as a protected constitutional right and struck down licensing restrictions not rationally related to public health, safety, or welfare and not reasonably necessary to promote a public good or prevent a public harm.

In recent years, our Supreme Court has extended application of the fruits of one’s labor clause beyond licensing restrictions to other state actions that interfere with one’s right to earn a livelihood. King v. Town of Chapel Hill (2014) held that a town ordinance capping towing fees was arbitrary and violated tow truck drivers’ rights to enjoy the fruits of their labor. Tully v. City of Wilmington (2018) held that a municipal police department violated a public employee’s constitutional right to enjoy the fruits of his own labor when it failed to follow its own promotion procedures.

Tully involved a Wilmington police officer who was denied a promotion after he failed a mandatory examination that tested an officer’s knowledge of the law. His exam answers were correct based on the current state of the law, but he failed the exam because the answer key was outdated. Written department policy laid out the promotion and examination procedures and provided that candidates could appeal any portion of the selection process, so the officer sought to appeal his test results. The City of Wilmington refused to hear the officer’s appeal, determining the test results “were not a grievable item” and that nothing could be done.

Our Supreme Court held that this denial of process violated the officer’s constitutional rights under Article I, Section 1, reasoning the provision applies “when a governmental entity acts in an arbitrary and capricious manner toward one of its employees by failing to abide by promotional procedures that the employer itself put in place.” It established the following requirements to plead such a constitutional claim:

“[T]o state a direct constitutional claim grounded in this unique right under the North Carolina Constitution, a public employee must show that no other state law remedy is available and plead facts establishing three elements: (1) a clear, established rule or policy existed regarding the employment promotional process that furthered a legitimate governmental interest; (2) the employer violated that policy; and (3) the plaintiff was injured as a result of that violation.” …

Our understanding of Tully and its rationale, combined with its instruction to “give our [state] Constitution a liberal interpretation in favor of its citizens with respect to those provisions which were designed to safeguard the liberty and security of the citizens in regard to both person and property,” leads us to hold that Article I, Section 1 applies to the disciplinary action taken against Sergeant Mole’…. Presnell v. Pell (1979) … recognized an allegedly unreasonable termination of a public school teacher implicated “the right to engage in any of the common occupations of life, unfettered by unreasonable restrictions imposed by actions of the state or its agencies.” …. It is undeniable that unreasonable employee discipline—including termination—by a government employer implicates this same right and raises the same concerns….

Sergeant Mole’s complaint alleges several policy violations of varying stripes, namely: (1) the acting watch commander failed to deploy the hostage negotiation team, the Special Enforcement Team, or stage fire and emergency medical services; (2) the watch commander negotiated with Smoot without Sergeant Mole’s knowledge; (3) an “after-action report/critical incident critique” was not completed; (4) Sergeant Mole’ took Smoot into custody because the designated tactical personnel were never deployed; (5) Sergeant Mole’ was not offered psychological services following the incident; (6) other officers failed to secure prior written consent to conduct the search that initiated the standoff with Smoot; (7) the incident should have been designated a high-risk warrant service but was not; (8) Sergeant Mole’ was not provided quarterly training and he did not meet annually with the department’s Special Enforcement Team as required for hostage negotiators; and (9) Durham gave Sergeant Mole’ only 24 hours’ notice of his pre-disciplinary conference instead of the minimum 72 hours’ notice mandated by policy.

The first eight policy violations alleged above put Sergeant Mole’ into an untenable position, but they do not state a claim under Tully. Tully protects public employees from unreasonable violations of employment policies, not field operating or training procedures that do not bear upon internal processes governing the employer-employee relationship.

But Sergeant Mole’s allegation that he was given improper and inadequate notice of his pre-disciplinary hearing does fall within Article I, Section 1’s protections. This shortened notice period violated Durham’s own employment disciplinary procedures. Sergeant Mole’ further alleges that these pre-disciplinary procedures were designed to further a legitimate government interest, namely that its employees be treated fairly in the administration of discipline. Sergeant Mole’ has thus pled a redressable violation of his employer’s disciplinary procedures designed to further a legitimate governmental interest, in satisfaction of the first two elements from Tully.

Sergeant Mole’ has likewise satisfied the final element, injury, based on a liberal construction of his complaint. Sergeant Mole’ specifically alleges that “[h]ad [he] been afforded his opportunity … to prepare at a minimum of three days instead of less than 24 hours, Sergeant Mole’ would have had reasonable notice and could have better prepared and provided a more comprehensive response.” From there, he asserts Durham “failed to comply with mandatory conditions precedent before proceeding with dismissal … [and] did not comply with its own stated [disciplinary] policies,” before alleging Durham’s “conduct including actions and omissions in its treatment of Sergeant Mole’ w[as] arbitrary, capricious, irrational and predicated upon selective enforcement of personnel and law enforcement policies and disparate treatment in discipline and thereby deprived Sergeant Mole’ of the fruits of [his] labors.” These allegations are similar to those held adequate to demonstrate a claim in Tully, and we therefore hold Sergeant Mole’ has sufficiently alleged he “was injured as a result of [Durham’s procedural] violation[s].”

We acknowledge North Carolina’s general policy of at-will employment, long established in common law. We do not hold that Durham could not terminate Sergeant Mole’ based on the conduct at issue, or that Durham could not terminate Sergeant Mole’ without cause. Given the stage of proceedings, “we express no opinion on the ultimate viability of [Sergeant Mole’]s claim.” Like the Supreme Court in Tully, “we [do] not speculate regarding whether [Sergeant Mole’] would [not have been terminated] had [Durham] followed its own [disciplinary] policy.” At this early stage of litigation, we do not address whether Sergeant Mole’ must be reinstated or what relief must be afforded to him should he prevail, as “[i]t will be a matter for the trial judge to craft the necessary relief.” We only hold that Durham must follow its own disciplinary procedures—created to protect its legitimate governmental interest in treating city employees fairly—in discharging Sergeant Mole’. If the evidence shows that Durham failed to do so and that Sergeant Mole’ was harmed by that failure, Article I, Section 1 of our Constitution provides a remedy….

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“The Court’s Business Is Done in Public”

Wise words from Judge R. Brooke Jackson (D. Colo.), I think, in Lecheminant v. City & County of Denver a few weeks ago:

ORDER denying … Unopposed MOTION for Leave to Restrict by Defendant City and County of Denver. Regardless whether the motion is opposed or unopposed, the Court’s business is done in the public. The request to restrict the two exhibits is vastly overbroad. At most very specific and limited portions of the exhibits, which are discovery responses, might contain truly confidential information. If you file public versions with only that limited information redacted, the Court will consider restricting access to the full version. By Judge R. Brooke Jackson on 9/22/2021.

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