Poland’s Beer and Food Tell the Story of the Country’s Extraordinary Rise From Communism


Businesses in Poland | Photo, right: Elektrownia Powiśle; Aleksander Żebrowski; Photo, left: Interior of Hala Koszyki; Adrian Grycuk

Warsaw, Poland, is a living museum of economic systems. It’s a city where concrete reliefs of stoic factory workers decorate a building that now houses a Kentucky Fried Chicken, where a Soviet-era apartment block stands beside a glass tower filled with coworking spaces.

Not even 35 years after escaping Soviet-style central planning, Poland has become a capitalist success story—the world’s 20th-largest economy and among the most prosperous of the former Eastern Bloc nations. The country’s transformation isn’t just visible in gross domestic product figures; it’s on every street corner and in every bite.

At lunchtime, you can step into a bar mleczny, where beet soup and pierogi still cost a few zloty. A few blocks away, in a converted power plant, bartenders pour small-batch IPAs. Those two scenes tell the story of Poland’s journey from collectivism to choice.

The first bar mleczny (literally “milk bar”) opened in 1896 as a cafeteria serving cheap dairy-based meals to urban workers. Under communism, the model was nationalized and multiplied, feeding the masses when stores and wallets ran empty. After the fall of communism in 1989, most closed as subsidies dried up and people rushed to embrace the global fast-food brands that symbolized freedom. Milk bars were forgotten, but they made an unlikely comeback in the 2010s.

Most have gone fully private, expanding menus and embracing the market; others still receive modest government reimbursements for meat-free dishes. Either way, milk bars have gone from symbols of scarcity to icons of nostalgic comfort—Poland’s version of the American diner.

If milk bars represent survival despite totalitarian economics, Poland’s craft beer movement embodies experimentation. Beer has been brewed in Poland for a millennium, surviving Nazi confiscation and communist quotas that once forbade brewers
from selling outside their regions.

Freedom transformed that constraint into a creative explosion. In 2011, the release of Atak Chmielu—a hoppy IPA from PINTA—kicked off the modern craft movement. By 2019, Poland had over 400 breweries, up from just 70 in 2010. Today, it ranks third in the European Union for beer production. From family-run taprooms to chic brewpubs, the scene reflects a bottom-up capitalism built on
competition, flavor, and risk taking.

And then there are capitalism’s culinary cathedrals—food halls.

Hala Koszyki, first built in 1909 and reopened in 2016, set the model: a prewar market reborn as a playground of global cuisine. Elektrownia Powiśle, a 1900s power station that was turned into a food hall in 2020, still flaunts its old industrial panels and switches while serving cocktails and bao buns. Fabryka Norblina followed in 2021, a factory complex now filled with wine bars, vegan counters, and live music. For vendors, food halls like these offer lower barriers to entry; for consumers, they offer an abundance of choice.

Warsaw’s food culture captures what no central planner could ever manufacture: spontaneity, competition, and taste shaped by demand.

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Poland’s Beer and Food Tell the Story of the Country’s Extraordinary Rise From Communism


Businesses in Poland | Photo, right: Elektrownia Powiśle; Aleksander Żebrowski; Photo, left: Interior of Hala Koszyki; Adrian Grycuk

Warsaw, Poland, is a living museum of economic systems. It’s a city where concrete reliefs of stoic factory workers decorate a building that now houses a Kentucky Fried Chicken, where a Soviet-era apartment block stands beside a glass tower filled with coworking spaces.

Not even 35 years after escaping Soviet-style central planning, Poland has become a capitalist success story—the world’s 20th-largest economy and among the most prosperous of the former Eastern Bloc nations. The country’s transformation isn’t just visible in gross domestic product figures; it’s on every street corner and in every bite.

At lunchtime, you can step into a bar mleczny, where beet soup and pierogi still cost a few zloty. A few blocks away, in a converted power plant, bartenders pour small-batch IPAs. Those two scenes tell the story of Poland’s journey from collectivism to choice.

The first bar mleczny (literally “milk bar”) opened in 1896 as a cafeteria serving cheap dairy-based meals to urban workers. Under communism, the model was nationalized and multiplied, feeding the masses when stores and wallets ran empty. After the fall of communism in 1989, most closed as subsidies dried up and people rushed to embrace the global fast-food brands that symbolized freedom. Milk bars were forgotten, but they made an unlikely comeback in the 2010s.

Most have gone fully private, expanding menus and embracing the market; others still receive modest government reimbursements for meat-free dishes. Either way, milk bars have gone from symbols of scarcity to icons of nostalgic comfort—Poland’s version of the American diner.

If milk bars represent survival despite totalitarian economics, Poland’s craft beer movement embodies experimentation. Beer has been brewed in Poland for a millennium, surviving Nazi confiscation and communist quotas that once forbade brewers
from selling outside their regions.

Freedom transformed that constraint into a creative explosion. In 2011, the release of Atak Chmielu—a hoppy IPA from PINTA—kicked off the modern craft movement. By 2019, Poland had over 400 breweries, up from just 70 in 2010. Today, it ranks third in the European Union for beer production. From family-run taprooms to chic brewpubs, the scene reflects a bottom-up capitalism built on
competition, flavor, and risk taking.

And then there are capitalism’s culinary cathedrals—food halls.

Hala Koszyki, first built in 1909 and reopened in 2016, set the model: a prewar market reborn as a playground of global cuisine. Elektrownia Powiśle, a 1900s power station that was turned into a food hall in 2020, still flaunts its old industrial panels and switches while serving cocktails and bao buns. Fabryka Norblina followed in 2021, a factory complex now filled with wine bars, vegan counters, and live music. For vendors, food halls like these offer lower barriers to entry; for consumers, they offer an abundance of choice.

Warsaw’s food culture captures what no central planner could ever manufacture: spontaneity, competition, and taste shaped by demand.

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Brickbat: Zealous Enforcement


Disabled parking bay | ID 110823852 ©  Zoran Milisavljevic | Dreamstime.com

In London, England, a man returned from vacation to find four parking tickets on his car after Croydon Council painted a disabled parking bay around his legally parked vehicle while he was away. The bay was created with no prior notice to residents, and contractors painted around the car to avoid delays. Even though the contractor left a note asking that no fines be issued, a parking attendant ticketed the vehicle on multiple days. The man, who did not want to be identified, shared CCTV footage of the workers on social media after facing online criticism. The council apologized and said it would cancel the tickets.

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Brickbat: Zealous Enforcement


Disabled parking bay | ID 110823852 ©  Zoran Milisavljevic | Dreamstime.com

In London, England, a man returned from vacation to find four parking tickets on his car after Croydon Council painted a disabled parking bay around his legally parked vehicle while he was away. The bay was created with no prior notice to residents, and contractors painted around the car to avoid delays. Even though the contractor left a note asking that no fines be issued, a parking attendant ticketed the vehicle on multiple days. The man, who did not want to be identified, shared CCTV footage of the workers on social media after facing online criticism. The council apologized and said it would cancel the tickets.

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Second Amendment Roundup: Supreme Court to decide status of unlawful drug users.

The Supreme Court has granted cert in U.S. v. Hemani, which concerns the constitutionality of 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3), which forbids a person from possessing a firearm in or affecting commerce if he “is an unlawful user of … any controlled substance.”  The United States just filed its opening brief, stating: “At issue here is Section 922(g)(3)’s disarmament of a defined class of people—habitual users of controlled substances, i.e., those who regularly and unlawfully use drugs that are subject to the Controlled Substances Act, 21 U.S.C. 801 et seq. That restriction is temporary and limited: a person regains his ability to possess arms as soon as he stops habitually using drugs.”

The ban applies only to someone who “is an unlawful user of or addicted to” a controlled substance, and the U.S. brief states:

courts of appeals have uniformly determined that a person is a “user” of a controlled substance within the meaning of Section 922(g)(3) only if he engages in the habitual or regular use of a controlled substance.   That interpretation reflects the ordinary meaning of Section 922(g)(3)’s text. In this context, the verb “use” means “to take or consume (an alcoholic drink, a narcotic drug) regularly or habitually.”

A radically-more expansive definition of “user” is taken by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms & Explosives (ATF), and the United States does not even acknowledge or mention it in its brief.  Defining “Unlawful user of or addicted to any controlled substance,” 27 C.F.R. § 478.11 provides:

An inference of current use may be drawn from evidence of a recent use or possession of a controlled substance or a pattern of use or possession that reasonably covers the present time, e.g., a conviction for use or possession of a controlled substance within the past year; multiple arrests for such offenses within the past 5 years if the most recent arrest occurred within the past year; or persons found through a drug test to use a controlled substance unlawfully, provided that the test was administered within the past year.  (Emphasis added.)

Drug use “within the past year” is a far cry from “the habitual or regular use” of a drug.  ATF’s regulation is one reason why the Fifth Circuit found § 922(g)(3) violative of the Second Amendment.  In Hemani, the Fifth Circuit granted summary affirmance for the defendant based on its prior precedent U.S. v. Daniels (2025), in which the district court gave the ATF regulation as a jury instruction.  The jury was told that one is an “unlawful user” based on use of drugs “within a matter of days or weeks” or based on a “pattern of use or possession.”

As Hemani noted in his brief in opposition to cert, “Contrary to Petitioner’s claim, the restriction as defined by Section 478.11 does not ‘last[] only as long as the habitual drug use continues.’ … To belabor the point, the term ‘habitual drug use’ is nowhere to be found in Section 478.11.”  His brief also points out that the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) uses ATF’s definition in determining whether to disapprove firearm transfers.

To be sure, the validity of the ATF regulation is not the ultimate issue in Hermani.  As the Solicitor General states in his brief, “The only dispute is a narrow one: does the longstanding body of restrictions support disarming only people actively under the influence of alcohol or controlled substances, as the Fifth Circuit has held and as respondent contends? Or does the historical record also support temporarily disarming people who habitually use alcohol (and, today, controlled substances)?”  The Court will resolve that issue based on its text-history method set forth in Bruen and applied in Rahimi.

But to support its argument that a person who “is an unlawful user” of illegal drugs is one who habitually and regularly uses drugs, the government should take this opportunity to disown ATF’s overly-expansive definition, and however it resolves the case, the Court should do the same.  The ordinary meaning of the statutory terms governs, not an administrative agency’s expansive gloss on those terms.

The Court in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, which reasserted the power of the judiciary to interpret the law and abrogated the Chevron deference doctrine, states that “every statute’s meaning is fixed at the time of enactment.”  It recalled its reasoning in Abramski v. U.S. (2014) in construing the Gun Control Act (GCA) that “criminal laws are for courts, not for the Government, to construe,” and that “ATF’s old position [is] no more relevant than its current one—which is to say, not relevant at all.”  Abramski‘s further remark also applies here: “Whether the Government interprets a criminal statute too broadly (as it sometimes does) or too narrowly … a court has an obligation to correct its error.”

More recently in Garland v. Cargill, the Court undertook a meticulous analysis of the GCA’s definition of “machinegun” and held that ATF exceeded its regulatory powers by changing that definition.  More broadly, the pre-Loper Bright handwriting has long been on the wall, as evidenced in U.S. v. Apel (2014), which flatly stated that “we have never held that the Government’s reading of a criminal statute is entitled to any deference.”  As Justice Scalia wrote, concurring in Crandon v. U.S. (1990), “we have never thought that the interpretation of those charged with prosecuting criminal statutes is entitled to deference.”

The bill that resulted in the GCA of 1968 originally would have made it an offense to violate “any rule or regulation promulgated thereunder.”  In Senate debate, based on the argument that only Congress should define crimes, the reference to regulations was deleted.  114 Cong. Rec. 14792-93 (1968).  That remains reflected in the GCA today, § 922 of which makes certain acts unlawful and § 924 of which punishes violations of “this chapter,” not regulations.  Section 926(a) authorizes the Attorney General to “prescribe only such rules and regulations as are necessary to carry out the provisions of this chapter,” but that only includes administrative matters like serial numbers and licenses.

Given the above, the Hemani case makes it all the more timely for the Attorney General, pursuant to the President’s Executive Order of February 7, 2025, to “examine all … regulations … and other actions of executive departments and agencies (agencies) to assess any ongoing infringements of the Second Amendment rights of our citizens,” including those promulgated by the Department of Justice and ATF.  DOJ and ATF have in fact been conducting such review, which should result in repeal of the various definitions in § 478.11, like the one at issue here, that purport to expand the reach of the criminal law.

The SG’s brief in Hemani makes the welcome statement at the beginning: “For the Founders, the Second Amendment stood second to none among the Bill of Rights. They regarded the right to ‘keep and bear arms’ for lawful purposes as ‘the true palladium of liberty’ and believed that infringements of the right would put liberty ‘on the brink of destruction.'”  The further briefs that will be filed on both sides will shed light on whether § 922(g)(3) violates the Amendment.  It would help clear the air and assist the Court if the United States would concede in its reply brief that the ATF’s expansive definition in § 478.11 is inaccurate and does not represent the law.

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Second Amendment Roundup: Supreme Court to decide status of unlawful drug users.

The Supreme Court has granted cert in U.S. v. Hemani, which concerns the constitutionality of 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3), which forbids a person from possessing a firearm in or affecting commerce if he “is an unlawful user of … any controlled substance.”  The United States just filed its opening brief, stating: “At issue here is Section 922(g)(3)’s disarmament of a defined class of people—habitual users of controlled substances, i.e., those who regularly and unlawfully use drugs that are subject to the Controlled Substances Act, 21 U.S.C. 801 et seq. That restriction is temporary and limited: a person regains his ability to possess arms as soon as he stops habitually using drugs.”

The ban applies only to someone who “is an unlawful user of or addicted to” a controlled substance, and the U.S. brief states:

courts of appeals have uniformly determined that a person is a “user” of a controlled substance within the meaning of Section 922(g)(3) only if he engages in the habitual or regular use of a controlled substance.   That interpretation reflects the ordinary meaning of Section 922(g)(3)’s text. In this context, the verb “use” means “to take or consume (an alcoholic drink, a narcotic drug) regularly or habitually.”

A radically-more expansive definition of “user” is taken by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms & Explosives (ATF), and the United States does not even acknowledge or mention it in its brief.  Defining “Unlawful user of or addicted to any controlled substance,” 27 C.F.R. § 478.11 provides:

An inference of current use may be drawn from evidence of a recent use or possession of a controlled substance or a pattern of use or possession that reasonably covers the present time, e.g., a conviction for use or possession of a controlled substance within the past year; multiple arrests for such offenses within the past 5 years if the most recent arrest occurred within the past year; or persons found through a drug test to use a controlled substance unlawfully, provided that the test was administered within the past year.  (Emphasis added.)

Drug use “within the past year” is a far cry from “the habitual or regular use” of a drug.  ATF’s regulation is one reason why the Fifth Circuit found § 922(g)(3) violative of the Second Amendment.  In Hemani, the Fifth Circuit granted summary affirmance for the defendant based on its prior precedent U.S. v. Daniels (2025), in which the district court gave the ATF regulation as a jury instruction.  The jury was told that one is an “unlawful user” based on use of drugs “within a matter of days or weeks” or based on a “pattern of use or possession.”

As Hemani noted in his brief in opposition to cert, “Contrary to Petitioner’s claim, the restriction as defined by Section 478.11 does not ‘last[] only as long as the habitual drug use continues.’ … To belabor the point, the term ‘habitual drug use’ is nowhere to be found in Section 478.11.”  His brief also points out that the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) uses ATF’s definition in determining whether to disapprove firearm transfers.

To be sure, the validity of the ATF regulation is not the ultimate issue in Hermani.  As the Solicitor General states in his brief, “The only dispute is a narrow one: does the longstanding body of restrictions support disarming only people actively under the influence of alcohol or controlled substances, as the Fifth Circuit has held and as respondent contends? Or does the historical record also support temporarily disarming people who habitually use alcohol (and, today, controlled substances)?”  The Court will resolve that issue based on its text-history method set forth in Bruen and applied in Rahimi.

But to support its argument that a person who “is an unlawful user” of illegal drugs is one who habitually and regularly uses drugs, the government should take this opportunity to disown ATF’s overly-expansive definition, and however it resolves the case, the Court should do the same.  The ordinary meaning of the statutory terms governs, not an administrative agency’s expansive gloss on those terms.

The Court in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, which reasserted the power of the judiciary to interpret the law and abrogated the Chevron deference doctrine, states that “every statute’s meaning is fixed at the time of enactment.”  It recalled its reasoning in Abramski v. U.S. (2014) in construing the Gun Control Act (GCA) that “criminal laws are for courts, not for the Government, to construe,” and that “ATF’s old position [is] no more relevant than its current one—which is to say, not relevant at all.”  Abramski‘s further remark also applies here: “Whether the Government interprets a criminal statute too broadly (as it sometimes does) or too narrowly … a court has an obligation to correct its error.”

More recently in Garland v. Cargill, the Court undertook a meticulous analysis of the GCA’s definition of “machinegun” and held that ATF exceeded its regulatory powers by changing that definition.  More broadly, the pre-Loper Bright handwriting has long been on the wall, as evidenced in U.S. v. Apel (2014), which flatly stated that “we have never held that the Government’s reading of a criminal statute is entitled to any deference.”  As Justice Scalia wrote, concurring in Crandon v. U.S. (1990), “we have never thought that the interpretation of those charged with prosecuting criminal statutes is entitled to deference.”

The bill that resulted in the GCA of 1968 originally would have made it an offense to violate “any rule or regulation promulgated thereunder.”  In Senate debate, based on the argument that only Congress should define crimes, the reference to regulations was deleted.  114 Cong. Rec. 14792-93 (1968).  That remains reflected in the GCA today, § 922 of which makes certain acts unlawful and § 924 of which punishes violations of “this chapter,” not regulations.  Section 926(a) authorizes the Attorney General to “prescribe only such rules and regulations as are necessary to carry out the provisions of this chapter,” but that only includes administrative matters like serial numbers and licenses.

Given the above, the Hemani case makes it all the more timely for the Attorney General, pursuant to the President’s Executive Order of February 7, 2025, to “examine all … regulations … and other actions of executive departments and agencies (agencies) to assess any ongoing infringements of the Second Amendment rights of our citizens,” including those promulgated by the Department of Justice and ATF.  DOJ and ATF have in fact been conducting such review, which should result in repeal of the various definitions in § 478.11, like the one at issue here, that purport to expand the reach of the criminal law.

The SG’s brief in Hemani makes the welcome statement at the beginning: “For the Founders, the Second Amendment stood second to none among the Bill of Rights. They regarded the right to ‘keep and bear arms’ for lawful purposes as ‘the true palladium of liberty’ and believed that infringements of the right would put liberty ‘on the brink of destruction.'”  The further briefs that will be filed on both sides will shed light on whether § 922(g)(3) violates the Amendment.  It would help clear the air and assist the Court if the United States would concede in its reply brief that the ATF’s expansive definition in § 478.11 is inaccurate and does not represent the law.

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Should Libertarians Support Federal AI Regulation?

This week, editors Peter SudermanKatherine Mangu-Ward, and Matt Welch are joined by associate editor Liz Wolfe to discuss President Donald Trump’s executive order blocking states from enforcing their own artificial intelligence regulations. The panel debates whether a single national framework for AI is necessary to keep American tech companies competitive or whether it represents a serious blow to federalism. They also examine the White House potentially reclassifying marijuana as a Schedule III drug and what that change could mean for the cannabis industry, tax policy, and federal drug enforcement.

The editors then turn to mass shootings in Australia and at Brown University, including the actions of a bystander credited with saving lives at Bondi Beach, and what these incidents suggest about gun control debates. They discuss the U.S. seizure of a Venezuelan oil tanker and threats of land strikes against the Nicolás Maduro regime, and cover the conviction of Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai under China’s national security law and what it signals for press freedom and U.S.-China relations. A listener asks whether modern socialism reflects moral aspirations that could be redirected toward liberty rather than centralized power.

 

0:00—Trump blocks states from regulating AI

10:31—Reclassifying marijuana as a Schedule III drug

18:39—Mass shootings in the U.S. and Australia

26:59—U.S. seizes Venezuelan oil tanker

36:48—Listener question on optimism for socialism

46:08—Jimmy Lai found guilty by Hong Kong court

57:12—Weekly cultural recommendations

 

Mentioned in This Podcast

Donald Trump Tries To Override State AI Regulations via Executive Order,” by Jack Nicastro

Trump Will Let Nvidia Sell Chips to China—but the Feds Will Get 25 Percent of the Profits,” by Tosin Akintola

Trump’s Plan To Reclassify Marijuana Would Leave Federal Prohibition Essentially Untouched,” by Jacob Sullum

Stoner King Trump,” by Liz Wolfe

Shootings at Bondi and Brown,” by Liz Wolfe

Trump Dares Congress To Take Its War Powers Seriously in Venezuela,” by Matthew Petti

Trump Is Still Claiming He Saves ‘25,000 American Lives’ When He Blows Up a Suspected Drug Boat,” by Jacob Sullum

Mark Clifford: A Political Prisoner Fights for Free Speech in China,” by Billy Binion

Is Free Speech Doomed in Hong Kong?” By Jack Nicastro

‘I Owe Freedom My Life’: Jimmy Lai Is Imprisoned for Criticizing the Chinese Government,” by John Stossel

Hong Kong’s Free Press Is Dying,” by Liz Wolfe

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Should Libertarians Support Federal AI Regulation?


Matt Welch appears on the left, with Liz Wolfe on the right speaking. In a box centered between them, President Donald Trump holds up a signed executive order, with Senator Ted Cruz and Howard Lutnick behind him. Large thumbnail text above them reads “TOO MUCH POWER?” | Illustration: Eddie Marshall

This week, editors Peter SudermanKatherine Mangu-Ward, and Matt Welch are joined by associate editor Liz Wolfe to discuss President Donald Trump’s executive order blocking states from enforcing their own artificial intelligence regulations. The panel debates whether a single national framework for AI is necessary to keep American tech companies competitive or whether it represents a serious blow to federalism. They also examine the White House potentially reclassifying marijuana as a Schedule III drug and what that change could mean for the cannabis industry, tax policy, and federal drug enforcement.

The editors then turn to mass shootings in Australia and at Brown University, including the actions of a bystander credited with saving lives at Bondi Beach, and what these incidents suggest about gun control debates. They discuss the U.S. seizure of a Venezuelan oil tanker and threats of land strikes against the Nicolás Maduro regime, and cover the conviction of Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai under China’s national security law and what it signals for press freedom and U.S.-China relations. A listener asks whether modern socialism reflects moral aspirations that could be redirected toward liberty rather than centralized power.

 

0:00—Trump blocks states from regulating AI

10:31—Reclassifying marijuana as a Schedule III drug

18:39—Mass shootings in the U.S. and Australia

26:59—U.S. seizes Venezuelan oil tanker

36:48—Listener question on optimism for socialism

46:08—Jimmy Lai found guilty by Hong Kong court

57:12—Weekly cultural recommendations

 

Mentioned in This Podcast

Donald Trump Tries To Override State AI Regulations via Executive Order,” by Jack Nicastro

Trump Will Let Nvidia Sell Chips to China—but the Feds Will Get 25 Percent of the Profits,” by Tosin Akintola

Trump’s Plan To Reclassify Marijuana Would Leave Federal Prohibition Essentially Untouched,” by Jacob Sullum

Stoner King Trump,” by Liz Wolfe

Shootings at Bondi and Brown,” by Liz Wolfe

Trump Dares Congress To Take Its War Powers Seriously in Venezuela,” by Matthew Petti

Trump Is Still Claiming He Saves ‘25,000 American Lives’ When He Blows Up a Suspected Drug Boat,” by Jacob Sullum

Mark Clifford: A Political Prisoner Fights for Free Speech in China,” by Billy Binion

Is Free Speech Doomed in Hong Kong?” By Jack Nicastro

‘I Owe Freedom My Life’: Jimmy Lai Is Imprisoned for Criticizing the Chinese Government,” by John Stossel

Hong Kong’s Free Press Is Dying,” by Liz Wolfe

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