Plaintiff’s Idaho Murder Libel Claim Continues to Beat Defendant’s “Psychic Intuition”

From Friday’s decision by Judge Raymond Patricco (D. Idaho) in Scofield v. Guillard:

This case arises out of the tragic murder of four University of Idaho students in November 2022. Plaintiff Rebecca Scofield is a professor at the University of Idaho. She alleges that, despite never meeting any of these students or being involved with their murders in any way, Defendant Ashley Guillard posted numerous TikTok (and later YouTube) videos falsely claiming that Plaintiff (i) had an extramarital, same-sex, romantic affair with one of the victims; and then (ii) ordered the four murders to prevent the affair from coming to light….

Plaintiff asserts two defamation claims against Defendant: one is premised upon the false statements regarding Plaintiff’s involvement with the murders themselves, the other is premised upon the false statements regarding Plaintiff’s romantic relationship with one of the murdered students.

On June 6, 2024, the Court granted Plaintiff’s Amended Motion for Partial Summary Judgment …. On the issue of liability for Plaintiff’s two defamation claims against Defendant, the Court concluded that Plaintiff sufficiently demonstrated the absence of any genuine issue of material fact relating to the falsity of Defendant’s statements about her. Id. (after citing evidence, stating: “This is powerful evidence at the summary judgment stage. It not only substantiates Plaintiff’s argument that Defendant’s statements about her are false, it also highlights the complete lack of any corroborating support for Defendant’s statements.”).

Under Rule 56, this shifted the burden to Defendant to dispute that claim by setting forth facts showing that there is a genuine issue for trial relating to whether her statements about Plaintiff are true. In relying only on her spiritual investigation into the murders, however, the Court concluded that Defendant did not satisfy her burden. Id. (“As a result, Defendant’s psychic intuition, without more, cannot establish a genuine dispute of material fact to oppose Plaintiff’s summary judgment efforts.”). The Court therefore concluded that “the totality of the evidence reveals that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact that Defendant defamed Plaintiff.”

Also on June 6, 2024, the Court granted Plaintiff’s Motion for Leave to Amend Complaint to Add Punitive Damages. In permitting a claim for punitive damages, the Court concluded that Plaintiff “established a reasonable likelihood of proving, by clear and convincing evidence, that Defendant’s conduct in accusing Plaintiff of an affair with a student before ordering that student’s and three other students’ murders was oppressive, fraudulent, malicious, and/or outrageous.” The extent of Plaintiff’s damages, if any, remains an issue for trial.

Defendant moved to reconsider, but the court said no:

Defendant claims that newly discovered evidence (in the form of filings in a related state court criminal proceeding) “provides factual support that substantiates the Tik-Tok videos [Defendant] posted regarding the murder of the four University of Idaho students ….” Defendant maintains that she cannot be found liable for defamation because this newly discovered evidence proves that she was telling the truth in these Tik-Tok videos, or otherwise highlights outstanding issues of material fact that precludes summary judgment…..

Defendant argues that newly discovered evidence—revealed in a parallel criminal proceeding in state court—tracks statements made in her earlier Tik Tok videos about various circumstances surrounding the murders. For example, Defendant claims that newly discovered evidence confirms her statements about (i) how the surviving roommates were afraid the night of the murders; (ii) a dog being in the house at the time of the murders; (iii) a break-up involving one of the victims and her boyfriend; (iv) the four victims being located in two different rooms; and (v) the imminence of an arrest. From this, Defendant contends that the perceived synergy between her psychic intuition and the newly discovered evidence not only validates her separate statements about Plaintiff’s role in the murders and relationship with one of the victims, but also highlights how her theories about the murders have never been proven false, and therefore her absolute defense of truth against Plaintiff’s defamation claims remains plausible….

[But] the evidence does not change the disposition of the case. Absolutely nothing about this evidence suggests that Defendants’ statements about Plaintiff are true. That certain of Defendant’s psychic insights may have randomly coincided with banal aspects of notorious and well-publicized murders is hardly surprising. But this happenstance alone does not legitimize Defendant’s perceived clairvoyance, nor can it bridge the gap between Defendant’s intuition and the truth—a crucial aspect of Plaintiff’s defamation claims against Defendant. Ultimately, the cited evidence is wholly unrelated to Plaintiff; if anything, it underscores that there continues to be no evidence that Plaintiff had an affair with a student or orchestrated the murders to keep that affair secret.

Defendant’s insistence about how her theories surrounding the murders have never been proven false is likewise unavailing. She claims that evidence pertaining to three sets of DNA under M.M.’s fingernails, the victims’ defensive wounds, and blood at the crime scene from two unidentified males, is not inconsistent with her underlying theory that Plaintiff orchestrated the murders and framed Brian Kohberger (the defendant in the state criminal action) by planting a knife sheath at the crime scene. But this misses the point. As the Court already stated, this case is not about whether Mr. Kohberger committed the murders…. “Though the Court’s consideration of those issues may have touched upon a matter of criminal concern in a parallel criminal proceeding in state court, the Court never endeavored to apply the elements of murder and adjudge Plaintiff “innocent” and Mr. Kohberger “guilty.” ….

Rather, this case is about whether Defendant defamed Plaintiff by repeatedly accusing Plaintiff of an affair with a student before ordering that student’s and three other students’ murders. On that lynchpin point, the Court concluded that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact that Defendant did so, regardless of whether Mr. Kohberger—or anyone else—committed the murders. The evidence that Defendant cites in support of her Motion does not change this conclusion because there continues to be no corroborating support for Defendant’s statements about Plaintiff.

Cory Michael Carone and Wendy Olson (Stoel Rives, LLP) represent Schofield.

The post Plaintiff's Idaho Murder Libel Claim Continues to Beat Defendant's "Psychic Intuition" appeared first on Reason.com.

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Diminishing Returns Threaten World Economic Stability

Diminishing Returns Threaten World Economic Stability

Authored by Gail Tverberg via Our Finite World

  • The world economy is facing a predicted contraction due to physical limits related to resource extraction and diminishing returns in various areas, including energy and minerals.

  • Current economic indicators, such as high debt levels, falling oil and coal production, and rising inflation, suggest an impending downturn that will affect global living standards and government stability.

  • As existing economic systems falter, new economic models are expected to emerge, though the transition period will likely be marked by financial instability, job losses, and a decrease in overall prosperity.

I predict that the world economy will shrink in the next 10 years. I think that this is bound to happen because of energy and debt limits the world economy is hitting. There are a variety of other factors involved, as well.

In this post, I will try to describe the physics-based limits that the economy is facing, related to diminishing returns of many kinds. The problem we are facing has sometimes been called “limits to growth,” or “overshoot and collapse.” Such changes tend to lead to a loss of “complexity.” They are part of the way economies evolve. I would also like to share some ideas on the changes that are likely to occur over the coming decade.

[1] The world economy is a tightly integrated physics-based system, which is experiencing diminishing returns in far more areas than just oil supply.

When extraction of a mineral takes place, usually the easiest (and cheapest) portion of the mineral deposit is extracted first. After the most productive portion is removed, the cost of extraction gradually increases. This process is described as “diminishing returns.” Generally, more energy is required to extract lower quality ores.

The economy is now reaching diminishing returns in many ways. All kinds of resources are affected, including fossil fuels, uranium, fresh water, copper, lithium, titanium, and other minerals. Even farmland is affected because with higher population, more food is required from a similar amount of arable land. Additional-cost efforts such as irrigation can increase food supply from available arable land.

The basic problem is two-fold: rising population takes place while the easiest to extract resources are depleting. The result seems to be Limits to Growth, as modeled in the 1972 book, “The Limits to Growth.” Academic research shows that problems such as those modeled (sometimes referred to as “overshoot and collapse”) have been extremely common throughout history.

Precisely how this problem unfolds varies according to the specifics of each situation. Growing debt levels and increasing wage disparity are common symptoms before collapse. Governments become vulnerable to losses in war and to being overthrown from within. Epidemics tend to spread easily because high wage disparity leads to poor nutrition for many low-wage workers. Dr. Joseph Tainter, in his book, “The Collapse of Complex Societies,” describes the situation as the loss of complexity, as a society no longer has the ability to support some of the programs it previously was able to support.

At the same time the existing economy is failing, the beginnings of new economies can be expected to start. In some sense, economies “evolve,” just as plants and animals evolve. New economies will eventually replace existing ones. These changes are a necessary part of evolution, caused by the physics of the biosphere.

In physics terms, economies are dissipative structures, just as plants, animals, and hurricanes are dissipative structures. All dissipative structures require energy supplies of some type(s) to grow and remain away from a dead state. These structures do not “live” endlessly. Instead, they come to an end and are often replaced by new, slightly different, dissipative structures.

[2] Over the next 10 years, the general direction of the economy will be toward contraction, rather than growth.

There are many indications that the world economy is hitting a turning point because of rising population and diminishing returns with respect to resource extraction. For example:

[a] Debt levels are very high in the US and other countries. A rising debt level can temporarily be used to pull an economy forward without adequate energy supplies because it indirectly gives workers and businesses more spendable income. This income can be used to work around the lack of inexpensive energy products of the preferred types in a variety of different ways:

  • It can allow consumers to afford a higher price for existing energy products, if the additional funds get back to customers as higher incomes or lower taxes.
  • It can allow businesses to find more efficient ways of using resources, such as ramping up international trade or building more efficient vehicles.
  • It can allow the development of new energy products, such as nuclear power generation and electricity from wind and solar.

What we are finding now is that these new approaches tend to encounter bottlenecks of their own. For example, oil supply is sufficiently constrained that the current level of international trade no longer seems to be feasible. Also, wind and solar don’t directly replace oil; electricity based on wind turbines and solar panels can lead to blackouts. Furthermore, diminishing returns with respect to oil and other resources tends to get worse over time, leading to a need for ever more workarounds.

If at some point, extraction becomes more constrained and workarounds fail to provide adequate relief, added debt will lead to inflation rather than to hoped-for economic growth. Higher inflation is the issue that many advanced economies have been struggling with recently. This is an indication that the world has hit limits to growth.

[b] Because of low oil prices, companies are deciding to cut back new investments in extracting oil from shale, and likely elsewhere.

Figure 1. Brent equivalent oil prices, in 2024 US dollars, based on a combination of indications through 2023. Sources include historical oil prices in 2023$ from the 2024 Statistical Review of World Energy, published by the Energy Institute; the increase in average Brent spot price from 2023 to 2024, published by the US EIA; and the US Consumer Price Index for Urban consumers.

Figure 1 shows that oil prices rise and fall; they don’t rise endlessly. They rose after US oil production hit its first limits in 1970, but this was worked around by ramping up oil production elsewhere. Prices rose in the 2003 to 2008 period and then fell temporarily due to recession. They returned to a higher level in 2011 to 2013, but they have settled at a lower level since then.

One factor in the price decline since 2013 has been the production of US shale oil, adding to world oil supply. Another factor has been growing wage disparity, as workers from rich countries have indirectly begun to compete with workers from low-wage countries for many types of jobs. Low-wage workers cannot afford cars, motorcycles, or long-distance vacations, and this affordability issue is holding down oil demand.

US oil production from shale is in danger of collapsing during the next few years because prices are low, making new investment unprofitable for many producers. In fact, current prices for oil from shale are lower than shown on Figure 1, partly because US prices are a little lower than Brent, and partly because prices have fallen further in 2025. The recent price available for US WTI oil is only about $62 per barrel.

[c] World per capita coal production has fallen since 2014. A recent problem has been low prices.

Figure 2. World coal production through 2023 based on data of the 2024 Statistical Review of World Energy, published by the Energy Institute.

Transportation costs are a major factor in the delivered price of coal. The reduced production of coal is at least partly the result of coal mines near population centers getting mined out, and the high cost of transporting coal from more distant mines. Today’s coal prices do not seem to be high enough to accommodate the higher costs relating to diminishing returns.

[d] In theory, added debt could be used to prop up oil and coal prices, but debt levels are already very high.

Besides the problem with inflation, mentioned in point [a], there are problems with debt levels becoming unmanageably high.

Figure 3. Figure from page 10 of The Long-Term Budget Outlook 2025 to 2055, published in March 2025 by the US Congressional Budget Office.

Figure 3 shows US government debt as a ratio to GDP. If we look at the period since 2008, there was an especially large increase in debt at the time of the 2007-2009 Financial Crisis and the 2020 Pandemic. The debt level has become so high that interest on the debt is likely to require tax revenue to rise endlessly. The underlying problem is needing to pay interest on the huge amount of outstanding debt.

Putting together [a], [b], [c], and [d], the world has a huge problem. As the world economy is currently organized, it is heavily dependent on both oil and coal. Oil is heavily used in agriculture and in transportation of all kinds (cars, trucks, trains, airplanes, and ships). Coal is especially used in steel and concrete making, and in metal refining. We don’t have direct replacements for coal and oil for these uses. Wind and solar are terribly deficient at their current state of development.

The laws of physics tell us that, given the world’s current infrastructure, a reduction in the availability of both crude oil and coal will lead to cutbacks in the production of many kinds of goods and services around the world. Thus, we should expect that GDP will contract, perhaps for a long period, until workarounds for our difficulties can be developed. Today’s wind turbines and solar panels cannot solve the problem for many reasons, one of which is that fact that production and transport of these devices is dependent upon coal and oil supplies.

Thus, without adequate oil and coal to meet the needs of the world’s growing population, the world economy is being forced to gradually contract.

[3] Overall living standards can be expected to fall rather than rise during the next decade.

A recent article in the Economist shows the following chart, based on an analysis by the United Nations:

Figure 4. Chart showing global average “Human Development Index,” as calculated by the United Nations, in the Economist.

Figure 4 shows the trend in the Human Development Index as level in 2023-24. I expect that the trend will gradually shift downward in 2024-2025 and beyond. Modern advances, such as the availability of potable water in homes and the availability of electricity 24 hours per day, will become increasingly less common.

The Economist article displaying Figure 4 notes that, so far, most of the drop in living standards has happened in the poorer countries of the world. These countries were hit harder by Covid restrictions than rich countries. For example, the drop in tourism had a greater impact on less advanced countries than on rich countries. Poor countries were also affected by a decline in export orders for luxury clothing.

Outside of poor countries, young people are already finding it difficult to find jobs that pay well. They are often burdened with debt relating to advanced education, making it difficult for them to have the same standard of living that their parents had. This trend is likely to start hitting older citizens, as well. Jobs will be available, but they won’t pay well. This problem will affect both young and old.

[4] Governments will be especially vulnerable to cutbacks.

History shows that when overshoot and collapse occur, governments are likely to experience severe difficulties, indirectly because many of their citizens are getting poorer. They require more government programs, but if wages tend to be low, the taxes they pay tend to be low, too.

Unfortunately, the kinds of cutbacks being undertaken by the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) are very much necessary to get payments by the US government down to a level that can be supported by taxes. Regardless of how successful the current DOGE program is, I expect a huge reduction in the number of individuals on the payroll of the US government, perhaps by 50% to 75%, in the next 10 years. I also expect major cutbacks in the funding for outside organizations, such as universities and the many organizations DOGE has targeted.

At some point, the US government will need to reduce or eliminate many types of benefit payments made now. One approach might be to try to send many kinds of programs, such as job loss protection, Medicaid, and Medicare, back to the states to handle. Of course, the states would also have difficulty paying for these benefits without huge tax increases.

[5] Ten years from now, universities and colleges will enroll far fewer students.

I expect that university enrollments will fall by as much as 75% over the next 10 years, partly because government funding for universities is expected to fall. With less funding, tuition and fees are likely to be even higher than they are today. At the same time, jobs for university graduates that pay well will become less available. These considerations will lead fewer students to enroll in four-year programs. Shorter, more targeted education teaching specific skills are likely to become more popular.

There will still be some high-paying jobs available, requiring university degrees. One such area may be in finding answers to our energy and resource problems. Such research will likely be carried out by a smaller number of researchers than are active today because some current areas of research will be discarded as having too little potential benefit relative to the cost involved. Any approach considered will need to succeed with, at most, a tiny amount of government funding.

High paying jobs may also be available to a few students who plan to be the “wheeler-dealers” of the world. Some of these wheeler-dealer types will want to be the ones founding companies. Others will want to run for public office. They may be able to succeed, as well. They may want to study specialized tracks to advance their career goals. Or they may want to choose institutions where they can make contacts with people who can help them in pursuing their career goals.

For most young people, I expect that four-year university degrees will increasingly be viewed as a waste of time and money.

[6] In a shrinking economy, debt defaults will become an increasing problem.

A growing economy is very helpful in allowing financial institutions to prosper. With growth, future earnings of businesses tend to be higher than past earnings. These higher earnings make it possible repay both the borrowed amount and the required interest. With growth, there is little need to lay off employees. Thus, the employees have a reasonable chance to repay mortgage loans and car loans according to agreed-upon terms.

If an economy is shrinking, overhead becomes an ever-larger share of total revenues. This makes profits harder to achieve and may make it necessary to lay off employees. These laid-off employees are more likely to default on their outstanding loans. As debt defaults rise, interest rates charged by lenders tend to rise to compensate for the greater default risk. The higher interest rates make debt repayment for future borrowers even more difficult.

All these issues are likely to lead to financial crises, as debt defaults become more common.

[7] As debt defaults rise, banks tend to fail. This can lead to hyperinflation or deflation.

In a shrinking economy, the big question when banks fail is, “Will governments bail out the banks?”

If governments bail out the failing banks, there is a tendency toward inflation because the bailouts increase the money supply available to citizens, but not the quantity of goods available for purchase. If enough banks fail, the tendency may be toward hyperinflation–way too much money available to purchase very few goods and services.

If no government bailouts are available, the tendency is toward deflation. Without bailouts, the problem is that fewer banks are available to lend to citizens and businesses. As a result, fewer people can afford to buy homes and vehicles using debt, and fewer businesses can take out loans to purchase needed supplies. These changes lead to less demand for finished goods. This change in demand can indirectly be expected to affect commodity prices, as well, including oil prices. With low prices, some suppliers may go out of business, making any supply problem worse.

Regardless of whether bailouts are attempted or not, on average, citizens can be expected to be getting poorer and poorer as time goes on. This occurs because with a shrinking economy, fewer goods and services will be made. Unless the population shrinks at the same rate, individual citizens will find themselves getting poorer and poorer.

[8] Expect more tariffs and more conflicts among countries.

Without enough oil for transportation, the quantity of imported goods must be cut back. A tariff is a good way of doing this. If one country starts raising tariffs, the temptation is for other countries to raise tariffs in return. Thus, the overall level of tariffs can be expected to rise in future years.

Without enough goods and services for everyone to maintain their current standard of living, there will be a definite tendency for more conflict to occur. However, I doubt that the result will be World War III. For one thing, the West seems to have inadequate ammunition to fight a full-scale conventional war. For another, the nuclear bombs that are available are valuable for providing fuel for our nuclear power plants. It makes no sense to use them in war.

[9] Expect an increasing share of empty shelves, as time goes on.

High tech goods are especially likely to disappear from shelves. Replacement parts for automobiles may also be difficult to find, especially before an aftermarket of locally manufactured parts appears.

[10] Interest rates are likely to stay at their current level or increase to a higher level.

The high level of borrowing by governments and others makes lenders reluctant to lend unless the interest rates are high. It should also be noted that current interest rates are not high relative to historical standards. The world has been spoiled in recent years with artificially low interest rates, made possible by Quantitative Easing and other manipulations.

[11] Clearly, this list is not exhaustive.

The world economy has gone through two major disruptions in recent years, one in 2008, and one in 2020. Very unusual changes such as these are quite possible again.

We don’t know how soon new economies will begin to evolve. Eric Chaisson, a physicist who has researched this issue, says that there is a tendency for ever more complex, energy-dense systems to evolve over time. This would suggest that an even more advanced economy may be possible in the future.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 18:40

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Russia Launches Major Drone Attack On Border Town With NATO Member

Russia Launches Major Drone Attack On Border Town With NATO Member

As the drone and aerial war between Russia and Ukraine continues heating up, there’s been another ‘close call’ which is being viewed as a possible direct threat by a NATO member country.

Ukrainian officials said Friday that Russian forces sent drones on a Ukrainian town on the border with NATO member Romania in Odessa region, as cited in Reuters.

Local media issued photos of a destroyed postal center in Izmail, on the Ukraine, Romania border.

“The attack hit the town of Izmail, Ukraine’s biggest port on the Danube river, which is important for critical imports and which lies across the river from Romania,” the report underscores.

There were reports of damage, including the total destruction of a post office and parcel center, regional Governor Oleh Kiper said, but no immediate reports of casualties.

Throughout the war there have been similar border town strikes, but they remain rare, as Moscow is seeking to avoid any action which can be seen as a brazen attack on NATO territory.

Still, there have at times been threats connected with Western-supplied F-16s, as the Kremlin long ago warned that if these jets take off from NATO airbases next to Ukraine, those very bases could be ‘fair game’.

But both sides have thus far carefully avoided build-up to nuclear-armed confrontation pitting Russia vs. the NATO bloc, led by the US. Russia may at this point be increasingly targeting ‘command centers’ in Ukraine as well.

Drone warfare over the past months has been greatly expanded by both sides. Ukraine too has been pummeling Russian territory with constant nighttime drone attacks, in hopes of crippling the country’s infrastructure and destabilizing Russia’s leadership.

Ukrainian military leaders have boasted of some startling figures, which can’t be verified:

Ukrainian soldiers hit and destroyed in May more than 89,000 Russian targets using drones of various types, Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi said on May 30.

Syrskyi did not specify which targets were hit. Throughout Russia’s all-out war, Ukrainian drones have been used to target Russian vehicles, troops, as well as fortified positions.

“Each drone means a destroyed enemy, and therefore a saved life of a Ukrainian serviceman. A special emphasis is placed on the destruction of enemy UAV (unmanned aerial vehicles) operators and their command centers,” the commander said. Presumably he’s tallying all drone use, whether on the front lines inside Ukraine or sent against Russian territory or Crimea.

But these nightly tit-for-tat assaults threaten to derail Trump-backed efforts to achieve peace, at a sensitive moment going into the second round of Istanbul talks, scheduled for Monday. Analysts are currently setting expectations low, also given the Russian delegation is made up of mid-level officials.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 18:05

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Trump Aims For 400 GW Of Nuclear By 2050, 10 Large Reactors Under Construction By 2030

Trump Aims For 400 GW Of Nuclear By 2050, 10 Large Reactors Under Construction By 2030

By Brian Martucci of UtilityDive

Executive Summary:

  • The White House wants to deploy 300 GW of net new nuclear capacity by 2050 and have 10 large reactors under construction in the U.S. by 2030 while expanding domestic nuclear fuel supplies, according to an executive order signed by President Trump.
  • Trump signed three other orders on Friday to accelerate Nuclear Regulatory Commission reviews of reactor license applications and reconsider strict NRC radiation limits; expand departments of Energy and Defense roles in nuclear power plant licensing and siting; and speed up deployment of new test reactors.
  • Nuclear power advocates hailed the orders as a boon for the industry, but warned that staff cuts at NRC and DOE could slow progress. A representative for the Union of Concerned Scientists said the proposed reforms would make the public less safe.

Shares of publicly-traded advanced nuclear and reactor fuel companies have soared, suggesting investors see Trump’s orders as more than just words on paper. 

Oklo, the advanced reactor developer previously chaired by Energy Secretary Chris Wright, was up more than 20% since Friday afternoon. Oklo’s shares got another boost Tuesday morning as it announced a design and development partnership with Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power to accelerate deployment of its Aurora powerhouses.

Shares of small modular reactor developer NuScale and uranium suppliers Centrus Energy and Uranium Energy also rose more than 20% in Friday and early Tuesday trading.

Trump’s “Reinvigorating the Nuclear Industrial Base” executive order called on Wright and other cabinet secretaries to develop a national policy for spent nuclear fuel management. The order singles out recycling and reprocessing activities that could benefit companies like Oklo, which plans to build fuel reprocessing capabilities and is developing reactors that can run on recycled fuel.

Another order, “President Donald J. Trump Deploys Advanced Nuclear Reactor Technologies for National Security,” calls on Wright “to release at least 20 metric tons of high-assay low-enriched uranium into a readily available fuel bank for private sector projects operating nuclear reactors to power AI infrastructure at DOE sites.” 

Congress last year banned Russian uranium imports from 2028, cutting off a key supply of HALEU in particular and adding urgency to ongoing federal efforts to expand domestic supplies. 

“Reinvigorating the Nuclear Industrial Base” also calls for the DOE Loan Programs Office to prioritize support for construction of new large reactors and 5 GW of power uprates to existing reactors by 2030. It specifically mentions support for “completing construction of nuclear reactors that was prematurely suspended,” signaling possible LPO support for the completion of the two unfinished AP1000 reactors at Santee Cooper’s VC Summer site in South Carolina.

Recent changes at DOE could undermine that goal, Nuclear Innovation Alliance President and CEO Judi Greenwald said in a statement.

“Recent DOE staffing reductions and proposed budget cuts undermine the Department’s efforts and make it harder to implement these executive orders,” Greenwald said. “We urge the Administration and Congress to adequately resource and staff DOE to meet this moment.”

Greenwald said proposed NRC process changes in another executive order, “President Donald J. Trump Directs Reform of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission,” while well-intentioned, could also prove counterproductive. 

“NIA has long thought it is important that NRC improve the efficiency of its activities,” she said. “However …[o]ur assessment is that NRC is already making significant progress on reform in compliance with congressional direction including the 2024 ADVANCE Act. It is in everyone’s interest that this progress continue and not be undermined by staffing cuts or upended by conflicting directives.”

Greenwald added that the “effectiveness, efficiency and independence” of the NRC is essential for public confidence in nuclear power and for ongoing efforts to commercialize and export nuclear technology.

Edwin Lyman, director of nuclear power safety at the Union of Concerned Scientists, was more blunt in a statement that also criticized the administration’s proposal to involve other federal departments in nuclear reactor siting, licensing and fuel supply.

“The U.S. nuclear industry will fail if safety is not made a priority,” Lyman said. “By fatally compromising the independence and integrity of the NRC, and by encouraging pathways for nuclear deployment that bypass the regulator entirely, the Trump administration is virtually guaranteeing that this country will see a serious accident or other radiological release that will affect the health, safety and livelihoods of millions.”

Setting aside potential safety risks, involving the departments of defense and energy could cause needless confusion for nuclear technology developers, said Atomic Canyon CEO Trey Lauderdale.

“New capabilities for the Department of Defense and DOE to license and oversee projects could actually create additional red tape as companies navigate between three new potential oversight bodies instead of one,” Lauderdale said.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 17:30

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Harvard, You’re Entitled To Nothing

Harvard, You’re Entitled To Nothing

Authored by Victor Davis Hanson via The Daily Signal,

Recently, President Donald Trump has escalated his struggle with Harvard University.

Remember what the issues were.

Harvard had not really followed the letter of the law according to the 2022 Supreme Court ruling, which it and the University of North Carolina had lost.

In other words, they were, by court order, to stop giving preference in admissions, in hiring, in promotion, in retention on the basis of race, gender, etc., what we would call DEI. Harvard has been skirting that. And I think the data’s pretty clear how they have and no question that they’ve been doing it.

Second, they have also been getting a lot of money from foreign governments, not always fully accounted for, that is reported to the Department of Education, specifically Communist China and Qatar, over the years.

You could make the argument that there have been, in the past, graduations, dorms that have a racial basis, almost a segregation element to them.

You can make the argument that they don’t fully honor the First Amendment when you have guest speakers. Sometimes when they want to give a presentation at a formal lecture or even an informal class, students—while they may be officially discouraged from it—they are allowed, de facto, to shout the speaker down or to protest.

I think there’s no question that there is a climate of antisemitism throughout Harvard. Recently, two Harvard students who assaulted a Jewish student—one of whom was kind of rewarded with a $65,000 honorarium through the auspices of the law school, another one was given an honorific title at a graduation at the Divinity School of marshal. That sent the wrong message.

What I’m getting at is there was a lot of cause for Donald Trump to suggest, “I don’t need this, the country doesn’t need this.” But in his bill of complaints that were contingent on Harvard making compromises, he also got into elements of instruction, curriculum, and hiring.

He said, “Why are you hiring people from only one point of view?” Which I think is indisputable. Very few conservatives. Or one particular take on the American history, i.e., negative. That prompted the Council on Higher Education and other venues that have published it to solicit letters from people who would be called center-right—some of my colleagues at Hoover. And they objected to what Donald Trump’s add-ons were. And I think that’s reflected in The Wall Street Journal column by Jason Riley.

Essentially, they’re saying: We understand when Harvard’s clearly violating laws or charging too much for individual research grants—60% overhead. But now you’re entering the inner domain of the Harvard complex and you’re trying to micromanage and that’s wrong.

I’m not a constitutional lawyer, but I don’t know whether my colleagues and friends on the right have characterized it the way in which the argument is coming from the Trump administration.

They are saying, “This is analogous to immigration. When somebody is a guest and applies to come here in a visa, that’s an invitation. And we don’t have to give reasons why we don’t want a particular person to come to the United States. What the federal government does with its money vis-a-vis private education is kind of like an invitation. They invite us to give them money. And sometimes we don’t wanna do it. Maybe we say, ‘We don’t like Harvard. We like Fresno State.’ And we don’t have to give you a reason at all because it’s not a requirement. It’s a privilege. Some colleges like Hillsdale don’t take any money. They don’t want us to give them money.”

And so, I think the argument from the administration that maybe our right-wing friends are missing is not that the Trump administration doesn’t have a right to go in and micromanage. They’re just saying, “I don’t really wanna give Harvard any money. They’ve got $53 billion. They’re private. They’re not public institutions. But you know, if they ask us and they want money, then we have to look at why we would give it to them.”

And it’s kind of like Mr. Smith coming from Korea or Mr. Jones coming from Sweden. We look at them and we don’t really think they add to the Americans. So, we don’t have an invitation.

It’s kind of like foreign aid. Maybe Denmark wants foreign aid. Maybe Ghana wants foreign aid. And we look at it and then, we’re under no—we can say, “Well, Denmark, you have to give us Greenland—if we want—before we give you foreign aid.” We’re under no requirement to explain every decision we make for an optional gift.

So we would apply that logic. I think that’s what the Trump administration is doing: “Harvard, here’s some money. We don’t really care if you want it or not. But if you do want it, we would suggest that you broaden your curriculum, you give both points of view, and just try to hire more conservatives to balance out. And if you don’t want to do that, don’t worry about it. We’ll just give the money to trade school.”

This is as simple as that.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 16:20

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/o5ZcnSQ Tyler Durden

ICE To Increase Deportations To 3000 Illegals Per Day After Leadership Shake-Up

ICE To Increase Deportations To 3000 Illegals Per Day After Leadership Shake-Up

Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) announced sweeping leadership changes Thursday as part of an effort to dramatically ramp up arrests of illegal migrants.  New goals for deportations start at 3000 arrests per day at ‘bare minimum’ according to White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller and this will grow as the agency receives increased funding.

The change in quota is nearly double the 1800 arrests per day originally mandated by the Trump Administration in January.  If arrests remain static at 3000 per day, the new goal would result in over a million deportations of illegal immigrants per year. 

To put the situation in perspective, there were at least 11 million border encounters recorded under the Biden Administration’s open border bonanza.  Add to this approximately 2 million getaways (border jumpers that were not intercepted by Border Patrol).  The vast majority (around 85%) of all encounters were released into the US under asylum policies, meaning it is likely that 10 million or more illegal migrants were able to enter the US unfettered.  

Considering that the Trump Administration reduced those numbers by 95% at the border in only four months, it’s clear that the border invasion was highly coordinated and supported by Democrat politicians and leaders.  The migrant crisis was engineered.

Unfortunately the success at the border does not solve the problem of millions of illegals already within the US.  Trump is seeking to make deportation a tangible threat and this requires far more arrests.  With deportation becoming a common occurrence, the effort may inspire most illegals to simply leave the country on their own.  

As part of the shake-up, Kenneth Genalo is out as the head of ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) division – the branch tasked with executing arrests and deportations.  Genalo “decided to retire and will continue to serve the public as a special government employee to ICE,” the agency said in a statement.

Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) Acting Executive Associate Director Robert Hammer has also been reassigned to a “critical leadership position.”

Career ICE officials Marcos Charles and Derek Gordon will replace Genalo and Hammer at ICE and HSI, respectively.   In total, more than half a dozen personnel changes were made at ERO, HSI and other ICE divisions Thursday, according to the agency.

The change in momentum comes with rising public concerns about migrant crime and the possibility that Trump’s second term will not be enough time to undo the damage done by Democrats since 2021.  With constant interference from leftist judges, the process of removing illegals from the US is far more difficult that opening the gates and letting them flood in. 

Progressives are doing everything in their power to maintain a mass illegal migrant presence, with all their future election prospects resting on an eventual political action to turn most illegals into voting citizens through mass amnesty.     

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 15:45

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/2wJnQqX Tyler Durden

Checking A Presidential Bully

[This is a guest blog from a friend and colleague, Abner S. Greene, who is the Leonard F. Manning Professor at Fordham Law School and has been following the constitutional separation-of-powers issues at the heart of many of the current cases involving the scope of President Trump’s powers for many years.]

Donald Trump’s aggressive use of executive power in his second term threatens to upset the balance of power between President and Congress, and although courts have pushed back against Trump’s excesses,[i] up-front hurdles and back-end limits render courts an imperfect check.  In this essay I will describe an argument I made 30 years ago about the problem of expanded presidential power, explain the hurdles facing my suggestions for a better balance of executive-legislative power, discuss the limits of congressional power to check an unhinged President, and outline some difficulties with relying on courts to save the day.

In 1994, I published a law review article called “Checks and Balances in an Era of Presidential Lawmaking.”[ii]  I examined the records of the 1787 constitutional convention and looked closely at the Federalist Papers.  From these materials, I concluded that “the framers were overwhelmingly concerned with either political branch aggrandizing its own power without sufficient checks.  To the extent that there is any ‘original understanding’ of the division of power between the President and Congress, it is that both are to be feared, neither is to be trusted, and if either one grows too strong we might be in trouble.”[iii]

The article than zoomed forward to the post-New Deal era, where we have seen an enormous expansion of presidential power, sometimes from congressional delegations of power but other times without clear constitutional or statutory authorization.  Some of these presidential power-grabs are increases in foreign affairs or war power (e.g., attacking foreign nations without congressional authorization[iv]), while others are exercises of domestic policymaking without congressional approval, for example, dismantling a cabinet department, which one would think needs a statutory basis.[v]  In part to provoke discussion, I referred to such domestic policymaking actions – which seem to have the force of law – as lawmaking.  Understanding modern presidential power assertions in this way helps us see how far things have come since 1787.

I then examined several ways in which we might bring the Congress-President relationship back into the kind of balance the framers envisioned.  One angle was to support congressionally created independent agencies, where the heads may not be fired by the President except for good cause.  But in the intervening 30 years, the Supreme Court has increasingly (and incorrectly)[vi] cut back on Congress’ power to create such agencies, asserting that they improperly take executive power from the President.[vii]  Another angle was to argue for congressional power to act through bicameralism (i.e., majority support in both houses of Congress) but not presentment (i.e., without need to present a Bill to the President for his approval and signature), in situations where the House and Senate deem a presidentially supported regulation beyond the scope of statutory delegation.[viii]  This would involve overruling INS v. Chadha,[ix] which nixed such a “legislative veto”[x] for not following proper Article I, section 7 process,[xi] and although I still support this move as a proper translation of how the framers would have wanted balanced power in today’s world, I recognize that the U.S. Supreme Court is unlikely to overrule Chadha.[xii]

Although Chadha has been mostly important for taking away unilateral congressional power to reject administrative regulations, we should appreciate that it also stands in the way of what could be an effective congressional check on Trump.  Congress has limited power to respond to a President who behaves as a bully by issuing commands without authority.  It can hold hearings.  It can negotiate with the President over whether to amend or repeal extant legislation, and it can similarly negotiate with him about appropriations moving forward.[xiii]  Sometimes – rarely – it will have veto-proof majorities to insist on its priorities.  But what it cannot do is respond by itself to presidential orders that appear to be unauthorized.  This is sometimes misunderstood, as in when we hear someone say “Congress is feckless!  It should do something about Trump!  Where are those civic-minded Republicans?”  Maybe the person saying this is talking about desired speech acts from members of Congress, or hearings, but my sense is that people are sometimes calling for Congress to act, as a body, to push back against Trump.  But Congress has no power to act – with legal consequences – by itself; the Chadha decision forbids this kind of action.[xiv]

So other than whatever power the press and the people can muster up,[xv] we are left with the courts.  But there are (at least) four hurdles here.  First, Trump forces others to find a lawyer and, unless one can find pro bono counsel, to pay the lawyer.  Second, the time Trump has forced on others is unrecoverable, and the attorney’s fees are as well, since we live in a country with a strong presumption against attorney’s fees shifting.  Even if one wins an easy case, the money spent on the lawyer is gone.  Third, litigation takes time, even in the best of cases, and even when Federal District Courts have ruled against Trump, circuit courts and the Supreme Court have sometimes stayed the District Court order, with a metric that, although (somewhat) clearly stated,[xvi] is hard to apply consistently.  Fourth, is Trump obeying court orders against him?  In some cases it seems he is not.[xvii]  Do courts have adequate powers to punish and deter presidential disobedience of their orders?  Do Trump and his agents fear jail time for contempt of court, or monetary fines?[xviii]  And consider that there is a proposal on the table in Congress to limit the power of courts to hold the executive in contempt.[xix]

We have come a long way from a framing generation that sought to provide a structure in which legislative and executive power would balance each other out, with courts as backstops.  Presidential lawmaking, as I have dubbed it, precedes Trump, but the aggressive use of often unauthorized power is something that Trump, shameless as ever, appears to proudly own.  Although Congress and the courts have authority to face down a presidential bully, these bodies must be willing to take what is sometimes courageous action, in the face of legal limits and practical hurdles.  We will see in the coming weeks and months whether the Constitution – with its “constant aim [of] divid[ing] and arrang[ing] the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on the other”[xx] –provides sufficient counterbalances against a President acting with disregard for constitutional structure.


[i] Below is a sampling of Federal District Court orders against Trump that have not been stayed or reversed on appeal.  See, e.g., Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP v. Executive Office of the President (executive order targeted at law firm; D. D.C. May 27, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278933/gov.uscourts.dcd.278933.110.0_4.pdf; D.V.D. v. U.S. Dep’t of Homeland Sec. (deportation; D. Mass. May 23, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.282404/gov.uscourts.mad.282404.132.0.pdf; Jenner & Block v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice (executive order targeted at law firm; D. D.C. May 23, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278932/gov.uscourts.dcd.278932.138.0_6.pdf; American Fed’n of Govt’t Employees v. Trump (reduction in force at federal agencies; N.D. Cal. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.448664/gov.uscourts.cand.448664.124.0.pdf; New York v. McMahon (dismantling of Department of Education; D. Mass. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.281941/gov.uscourts.mad.281941.128.0.pdf; Doe v. Trump (deportation; N.D. Cal. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.447674/gov.uscourts.cand.447674.50.0_1.pdf; Association of Am. Univs. v. Department of Energy (higher education cap on indirect funding costs; D. Mass. May 15, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.283318/gov.uscourts.mad.283318.62.0.pdf; American Bar Ass’n v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice (termination of grants to the ABA; D. D.C. May 14, 2025), https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2025cv1263-28; American Foreign Serv. Ass’n v. Trump (exclusion of federal workers from collective bargaining; D. D.C. May 14, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.279230/gov.uscourts.dcd.279230.37.0.pdf; Rhode Island v. Trump (reduction in force at federal agencies, and funds termination; D. Mass. May 6, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.59257/gov.uscourts.rid.59257.57.0_2.pdf; Perkins Coie LLP v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice (executive order targeted at law firm; D. D.C. May 2, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278290/gov.uscourts.dcd.278290.185.0_1.pdf; Community Legal Servs. in East Palo Alto v. U.S. Dep’t of Health & Human Servs. (withholding of appropriated federal funds; N.D. Cal. April 29, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.447078/gov.uscourts.cand.447078.87.0_3.pdf; City and County of San Francisco v. Trump (withholding funds from sanctuary cities; N.D. Cal. April 24, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.444175/gov.uscourts.cand.444175.111.0.pdf; National Educ. Ass’n v. U.S. Dep’t of Education (DEI and federal funding; D. N.H. April 24, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.nhd.65138/gov.uscourts.nhd.65138.74.0_1.pdf; Orr v. Trump (transgender applicants for passports; D. Mass. April 18, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.280559/gov.uscourts.mad.280559.74.0_1.pdf; American Fed’n of State, County, and Municipal Employees v. Social Security Admin. (privacy, information access; D. Md. April 17, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.577321/gov.uscourts.mdd.577321.146.0.pdf; Climate United Fund v. Citibank N.A. (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. D.C. April 16, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278196/gov.uscourts.dcd.278196.89.0.pdf; Woonasquatucket River Watershed Council v. U.S. Dep’t of Agriculture (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. R.I. April 15, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.59116/gov.uscourts.rid.59116.45.0.pdf; Chicago Women in Trades v. Trump (DEI certification, and funds termination; N.D. Ill. April 14, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.ilnd.473983/gov.uscourts.ilnd.473983.68.0_1.pdf; League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Trump (federal elections rules; D. D.C. April 14, 2025), https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2025cv0946-104; Abrego Garcia v. Noem (deportation; D. Md. April 6, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815.31.0.pdf, substantially affrirmed by Noem v. Abrego Garcia (U.S. S. Ct. April 10, 2025), https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/24a949_lkhn.pdf; Associated Press v. Budowich (curtailment of AP access; D. D.C. April 8, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.277682/gov.uscourts.dcd.277682.46.0_1.pdf; Doe v. Bondi (prison facilities, transgender persons; D. D.C. March 19, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.276959/gov.uscourts.dcd.276959.68.0_3.pdf; State of New York v. Trump (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. R.I. March 6, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.58912/gov.uscourts.rid.58912.161.0_2.pdf; Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. National Insts. of Health (cap on indirect funding costs; D. Mass. March 5, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.280590/gov.uscourts.mad.280590.105.0_2.pdf; State of Washington v. Trump (funds, transgender medical care; W.D. Wash. February 28, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.wawd.344459/gov.uscourts.wawd.344459.233.0_4.pdf; National Council of Nonprofits v. Office of Mgmt. and Budget (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. D.C. February 25, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.276842/gov.uscourts.dcd.276842.51.0.pdf; O. Doe v. Trump (birthright citizenship; D. Mass. February 13, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.279895/gov.uscourts.mad.279895.144.0_1.pdf.

[ii] Abner S. Greene, Checks and Balances in an Era of Presidential Lawmaking, 61 U. Chi. L. Rev. 123 (1994).  https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclrev/vol61/iss1/3/

[iii] Id. at 125.

[iv] For some examples, see https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/753.

[v] See New York v. McMahon (dismantling of Department of Education; D. Mass. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.281941/gov.uscourts.mad.281941.128.0.pdf.

[vi] See Greene, supra note ii, at 176.

[vii] See, e.g., Collins v. Yellen, 594 U.S. 220 (2021); Seila Law LLC v. CFPB, 591 U.S. 197 (2020).  See also Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025) (Supreme Court order staying lower court orders that would have protected heads of independent agencies from at-will presidential removal; suggesting that Court might be about to rule that all independent agencies are unconstitutional (or most, perhaps excepting the Federal Reserve)), https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/24a966_1b8e.pdf.

[viii] Greene, supra note ii, at 187-95.

[ix] 462 U.S. 919 (1983).  Chadha itself involved a one House (rather than bicameral) “veto” that would result in deporting an individual.  As Justice Powell’s concurrence in the judgment correctly saw, this looks like Congress giving itself (or part of itself) a kind of adjudicative power, which it surely lacks.  Chadha also applies to “legislative vetoes” of regulations.  This kind of veto doesn’t have the problem of looking like adjudication; they look like legislation, but since done without presentment to the President, the Court also ruled them unconstitutional.  See Process Gas Consumer Grp. v. Consumer Energy Council of Am., 463 U.S. 1216 (1983) (summary affirmance).

[x] The ruling had a significant impact.  It “sounded the death knell for nearly 200 other statutory provisions in which Congress has reserved a ‘legislative veto.'”  462 U.S. at 967 (White, J., dissenting).

[xi] U.S. Const. Art. I,  § 7 (“Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it.  If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law.”).

[xii] Another angle on reducing presidential power and recovering congressional power is for Congress to delegate less open-ended power to the President, and/or legislate more precisely.  For many years, the Court has not enforced the so-called “nondelegation doctrine,” which prevents Congress from writing laws in a way that appears to delegate legislative power to the President.  The Roberts Court might begin reenforcing the nondelegation doctrine.  See Gundy v. United States, 588 U.S. 128 (2019) (three dissenting Justices suggest such a course).  See also FCC v. Consumers Research (Nos. 24-354 and 24-422; nondelegation doctrine question pending at Supreme Court after briefing and oral argument).

The Court has arguably begun sneaking in some nondelegation doctrine invalidations of (or pruning of) statutes through its use of the “major questions doctrine.”  See, e.g., Biden v. Nebraska, 600 U.S. 477 (2023); West Virginia v. EPA, 597 U.S. 697 (2022); Department of Homeland Sec. v. Regents of the Univ. of California, 591 U.S. 1 (2020).  Here, the Court refuses to allow readings of statutes that would permit administrative resolution of major questions without clearer guidance from Congress in the governing statute.  Whether the major questions doctrine constitutes a stealth reinvigoration of the nondelegation doctrine is a disputed matter.  See, e.g., Biden, 600 U.S. at 507 (Barrett, J., concurring); West Virginia, 597 U.S. at 735 et seq (Gorsuch, J., concurring); Gundy, 588 U.S. at 149 (Gorsuch, J., dissenting).  It will be interesting to see if the Court applies the major questions doctrine to some of Trump’s broad assertions of power under less than clear statutory authorization.  For a lower court that has just done so, see V.O.S. Selections, Inc. v. The United States of America (invalidating tariffs; U.S. Ct. Int’l Trade, May 28, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cit.17080/gov.uscourts.cit.17080.55.0.pdf.

[xiii] Similarly, the Senate can threaten to refuse to confirm presidential nominations or ratify treaties.

[xiv] Musings about Congress’ power to act – either via the kind of legislative veto that Chadha rejects, or through standard Article I, section 7 bicameralism and presentment – may seem fanciful at a moment when Congress appears supine before a presidential bully.  Nonetheless, it’s worth pondering the powers available to and the limits that would confront an effective and willing Congress.

[xv] I don’t mean to downplay such powers here.  They may be key to stopping Trump’s excesses.  They’re just not the focus of this essay.

[xvi] See, e.g., Merrill v. Milligan, 142 S. Ct. 879, 880 (2022) (per curiam grant of stay) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (applicant to Supreme Court for stay of lower court judgment “ordinarily must show (i) a reasonable probability that this Court would eventually grant review and a fair prospect that the Court would reverse, and (ii) that the applicant would likely suffer irreparable harm absent the stay…. In deciding whether to grant a stay pending appeal or certiorari, the Court also considers the equities (including the likely harm to both parties) and the public interest.”); see also id. at 883 n.1 (Kagan, J., dissenting) (“A stay pending appeal is an “extraordinary” remedy”; “The applicant … bears the “especially heavy” burden of proving that such relief is warranted”; “Our stay standard asks (1) whether the applicant is likely to succeed on the merits, and (2) whether the likelihood of irreparable harm to the applicant, the balance of equities, and the public interest weigh in favor of granting a stay.”).

[xvii] See, e.g., D.V.D. v. Department of Homeland Sec. (deportation; D. Mass. May 21, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.282404/gov.uscourts.mad.282404.118.0_1.pdf; Abrego Garcia v. Noem (deportation; D. Md. April 11, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815.61.0_3.pdf; State of New York v. Trump (frozen federal funds; D. R.I. February 10, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.58912/gov.uscourts.rid.58912.96.0_2.pdf.

[xviii] Trump himself might not.  See Trump v. United States, 603 U.S. 593 (2024) (granting President absolute immunity for some official acts and at least qualified (“presumptive”) immunity for other official acts).

[xix] 119th Congress, “H.R. 1 § 70302. RESTRICTION ON ENFORCEMENT.  No court of the United States may enforce a contempt citation for failure to comply with an injunction or temporary restraining order if no security was given when the injunction or order was issued pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 65(c), whether issued prior to, on, or subsequent to the date of enactment of this section.”

One might offer a fifth hurdle:  Courts do not have the power to enforce contempt sanctions themselves; they must rely on executive branch actors.  Thus, the President might thwart effective enforcement of contempt sanctions, and also (arguably) might pardon those held in contempt of a federal court order.  For some questions about this, see https://verdict.justia.com/2017/08/31/presidential-pardon-power-may-not-absolute.

[xx] Federalist 51 (Madison), https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/historic-document-library/detail/james-madison-federalist-no-51-1788.

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Checking A Presidential Bully

[This is a guest blog from a friend and colleague, Abner S. Greene, who is the Leonard F. Manning Professor at Fordham Law School and has been following the constitutional separation-of-powers issues at the heart of many of the current cases involving the scope of President Trump’s powers for many years.]

Donald Trump’s aggressive use of executive power in his second term threatens to upset the balance of power between President and Congress, and although courts have pushed back against Trump’s excesses,[i] up-front hurdles and back-end limits render courts an imperfect check.  In this essay I will describe an argument I made 30 years ago about the problem of expanded presidential power, explain the hurdles facing my suggestions for a better balance of executive-legislative power, discuss the limits of congressional power to check an unhinged President, and outline some difficulties with relying on courts to save the day.

In 1994, I published a law review article called “Checks and Balances in an Era of Presidential Lawmaking.”[ii]  I examined the records of the 1787 constitutional convention and looked closely at the Federalist Papers.  From these materials, I concluded that “the framers were overwhelmingly concerned with either political branch aggrandizing its own power without sufficient checks.  To the extent that there is any ‘original understanding’ of the division of power between the President and Congress, it is that both are to be feared, neither is to be trusted, and if either one grows too strong we might be in trouble.”[iii]

The article than zoomed forward to the post-New Deal era, where we have seen an enormous expansion of presidential power, sometimes from congressional delegations of power but other times without clear constitutional or statutory authorization.  Some of these presidential power-grabs are increases in foreign affairs or war power (e.g., attacking foreign nations without congressional authorization[iv]), while others are exercises of domestic policymaking without congressional approval, for example, dismantling a cabinet department, which one would think needs a statutory basis.[v]  In part to provoke discussion, I referred to such domestic policymaking actions – which seem to have the force of law – as lawmaking.  Understanding modern presidential power assertions in this way helps us see how far things have come since 1787.

I then examined several ways in which we might bring the Congress-President relationship back into the kind of balance the framers envisioned.  One angle was to support congressionally created independent agencies, where the heads may not be fired by the President except for good cause.  But in the intervening 30 years, the Supreme Court has increasingly (and incorrectly)[vi] cut back on Congress’ power to create such agencies, asserting that they improperly take executive power from the President.[vii]  Another angle was to argue for congressional power to act through bicameralism (i.e., majority support in both houses of Congress) but not presentment (i.e., without need to present a Bill to the President for his approval and signature), in situations where the House and Senate deem a presidentially supported regulation beyond the scope of statutory delegation.[viii]  This would involve overruling INS v. Chadha,[ix] which nixed such a “legislative veto”[x] for not following proper Article I, section 7 process,[xi] and although I still support this move as a proper translation of how the framers would have wanted balanced power in today’s world, I recognize that the U.S. Supreme Court is unlikely to overrule Chadha.[xii]

Although Chadha has been mostly important for taking away unilateral congressional power to reject administrative regulations, we should appreciate that it also stands in the way of what could be an effective congressional check on Trump.  Congress has limited power to respond to a President who behaves as a bully by issuing commands without authority.  It can hold hearings.  It can negotiate with the President over whether to amend or repeal extant legislation, and it can similarly negotiate with him about appropriations moving forward.[xiii]  Sometimes – rarely – it will have veto-proof majorities to insist on its priorities.  But what it cannot do is respond by itself to presidential orders that appear to be unauthorized.  This is sometimes misunderstood, as in when we hear someone say “Congress is feckless!  It should do something about Trump!  Where are those civic-minded Republicans?”  Maybe the person saying this is talking about desired speech acts from members of Congress, or hearings, but my sense is that people are sometimes calling for Congress to act, as a body, to push back against Trump.  But Congress has no power to act – with legal consequences – by itself; the Chadha decision forbids this kind of action.[xiv]

So other than whatever power the press and the people can muster up,[xv] we are left with the courts.  But there are (at least) four hurdles here.  First, Trump forces others to find a lawyer and, unless one can find pro bono counsel, to pay the lawyer.  Second, the time Trump has forced on others is unrecoverable, and the attorney’s fees are as well, since we live in a country with a strong presumption against attorney’s fees shifting.  Even if one wins an easy case, the money spent on the lawyer is gone.  Third, litigation takes time, even in the best of cases, and even when Federal District Courts have ruled against Trump, circuit courts and the Supreme Court have sometimes stayed the District Court order, with a metric that, although (somewhat) clearly stated,[xvi] is hard to apply consistently.  Fourth, is Trump obeying court orders against him?  In some cases it seems he is not.[xvii]  Do courts have adequate powers to punish and deter presidential disobedience of their orders?  Do Trump and his agents fear jail time for contempt of court, or monetary fines?[xviii]  And consider that there is a proposal on the table in Congress to limit the power of courts to hold the executive in contempt.[xix]

We have come a long way from a framing generation that sought to provide a structure in which legislative and executive power would balance each other out, with courts as backstops.  Presidential lawmaking, as I have dubbed it, precedes Trump, but the aggressive use of often unauthorized power is something that Trump, shameless as ever, appears to proudly own.  Although Congress and the courts have authority to face down a presidential bully, these bodies must be willing to take what is sometimes courageous action, in the face of legal limits and practical hurdles.  We will see in the coming weeks and months whether the Constitution – with its “constant aim [of] divid[ing] and arrang[ing] the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on the other”[xx] –provides sufficient counterbalances against a President acting with disregard for constitutional structure.


[i] Below is a sampling of Federal District Court orders against Trump that have not been stayed or reversed on appeal.  See, e.g., Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP v. Executive Office of the President (executive order targeted at law firm; D. D.C. May 27, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278933/gov.uscourts.dcd.278933.110.0_4.pdf; D.V.D. v. U.S. Dep’t of Homeland Sec. (deportation; D. Mass. May 23, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.282404/gov.uscourts.mad.282404.132.0.pdf; Jenner & Block v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice (executive order targeted at law firm; D. D.C. May 23, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278932/gov.uscourts.dcd.278932.138.0_6.pdf; American Fed’n of Govt’t Employees v. Trump (reduction in force at federal agencies; N.D. Cal. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.448664/gov.uscourts.cand.448664.124.0.pdf; New York v. McMahon (dismantling of Department of Education; D. Mass. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.281941/gov.uscourts.mad.281941.128.0.pdf; Doe v. Trump (deportation; N.D. Cal. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.447674/gov.uscourts.cand.447674.50.0_1.pdf; Association of Am. Univs. v. Department of Energy (higher education cap on indirect funding costs; D. Mass. May 15, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.283318/gov.uscourts.mad.283318.62.0.pdf; American Bar Ass’n v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice (termination of grants to the ABA; D. D.C. May 14, 2025), https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2025cv1263-28; American Foreign Serv. Ass’n v. Trump (exclusion of federal workers from collective bargaining; D. D.C. May 14, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.279230/gov.uscourts.dcd.279230.37.0.pdf; Rhode Island v. Trump (reduction in force at federal agencies, and funds termination; D. Mass. May 6, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.59257/gov.uscourts.rid.59257.57.0_2.pdf; Perkins Coie LLP v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice (executive order targeted at law firm; D. D.C. May 2, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278290/gov.uscourts.dcd.278290.185.0_1.pdf; Community Legal Servs. in East Palo Alto v. U.S. Dep’t of Health & Human Servs. (withholding of appropriated federal funds; N.D. Cal. April 29, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.447078/gov.uscourts.cand.447078.87.0_3.pdf; City and County of San Francisco v. Trump (withholding funds from sanctuary cities; N.D. Cal. April 24, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.444175/gov.uscourts.cand.444175.111.0.pdf; National Educ. Ass’n v. U.S. Dep’t of Education (DEI and federal funding; D. N.H. April 24, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.nhd.65138/gov.uscourts.nhd.65138.74.0_1.pdf; Orr v. Trump (transgender applicants for passports; D. Mass. April 18, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.280559/gov.uscourts.mad.280559.74.0_1.pdf; American Fed’n of State, County, and Municipal Employees v. Social Security Admin. (privacy, information access; D. Md. April 17, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.577321/gov.uscourts.mdd.577321.146.0.pdf; Climate United Fund v. Citibank N.A. (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. D.C. April 16, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278196/gov.uscourts.dcd.278196.89.0.pdf; Woonasquatucket River Watershed Council v. U.S. Dep’t of Agriculture (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. R.I. April 15, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.59116/gov.uscourts.rid.59116.45.0.pdf; Chicago Women in Trades v. Trump (DEI certification, and funds termination; N.D. Ill. April 14, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.ilnd.473983/gov.uscourts.ilnd.473983.68.0_1.pdf; League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Trump (federal elections rules; D. D.C. April 14, 2025), https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2025cv0946-104; Abrego Garcia v. Noem (deportation; D. Md. April 6, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815.31.0.pdf, substantially affrirmed by Noem v. Abrego Garcia (U.S. S. Ct. April 10, 2025), https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/24a949_lkhn.pdf; Associated Press v. Budowich (curtailment of AP access; D. D.C. April 8, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.277682/gov.uscourts.dcd.277682.46.0_1.pdf; Doe v. Bondi (prison facilities, transgender persons; D. D.C. March 19, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.276959/gov.uscourts.dcd.276959.68.0_3.pdf; State of New York v. Trump (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. R.I. March 6, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.58912/gov.uscourts.rid.58912.161.0_2.pdf; Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. National Insts. of Health (cap on indirect funding costs; D. Mass. March 5, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.280590/gov.uscourts.mad.280590.105.0_2.pdf; State of Washington v. Trump (funds, transgender medical care; W.D. Wash. February 28, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.wawd.344459/gov.uscourts.wawd.344459.233.0_4.pdf; National Council of Nonprofits v. Office of Mgmt. and Budget (withholding of appropriated federal funds; D. D.C. February 25, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.276842/gov.uscourts.dcd.276842.51.0.pdf; O. Doe v. Trump (birthright citizenship; D. Mass. February 13, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.279895/gov.uscourts.mad.279895.144.0_1.pdf.

[ii] Abner S. Greene, Checks and Balances in an Era of Presidential Lawmaking, 61 U. Chi. L. Rev. 123 (1994).  https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclrev/vol61/iss1/3/

[iii] Id. at 125.

[iv] For some examples, see https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/753.

[v] See New York v. McMahon (dismantling of Department of Education; D. Mass. May 22, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.281941/gov.uscourts.mad.281941.128.0.pdf.

[vi] See Greene, supra note ii, at 176.

[vii] See, e.g., Collins v. Yellen, 594 U.S. 220 (2021); Seila Law LLC v. CFPB, 591 U.S. 197 (2020).  See also Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025) (Supreme Court order staying lower court orders that would have protected heads of independent agencies from at-will presidential removal; suggesting that Court might be about to rule that all independent agencies are unconstitutional (or most, perhaps excepting the Federal Reserve)), https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/24a966_1b8e.pdf.

[viii] Greene, supra note ii, at 187-95.

[ix] 462 U.S. 919 (1983).  Chadha itself involved a one House (rather than bicameral) “veto” that would result in deporting an individual.  As Justice Powell’s concurrence in the judgment correctly saw, this looks like Congress giving itself (or part of itself) a kind of adjudicative power, which it surely lacks.  Chadha also applies to “legislative vetoes” of regulations.  This kind of veto doesn’t have the problem of looking like adjudication; they look like legislation, but since done without presentment to the President, the Court also ruled them unconstitutional.  See Process Gas Consumer Grp. v. Consumer Energy Council of Am., 463 U.S. 1216 (1983) (summary affirmance).

[x] The ruling had a significant impact.  It “sounded the death knell for nearly 200 other statutory provisions in which Congress has reserved a ‘legislative veto.'”  462 U.S. at 967 (White, J., dissenting).

[xi] U.S. Const. Art. I,  § 7 (“Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it.  If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law.”).

[xii] Another angle on reducing presidential power and recovering congressional power is for Congress to delegate less open-ended power to the President, and/or legislate more precisely.  For many years, the Court has not enforced the so-called “nondelegation doctrine,” which prevents Congress from writing laws in a way that appears to delegate legislative power to the President.  The Roberts Court might begin reenforcing the nondelegation doctrine.  See Gundy v. United States, 588 U.S. 128 (2019) (three dissenting Justices suggest such a course).  See also FCC v. Consumers Research (Nos. 24-354 and 24-422; nondelegation doctrine question pending at Supreme Court after briefing and oral argument).

The Court has arguably begun sneaking in some nondelegation doctrine invalidations of (or pruning of) statutes through its use of the “major questions doctrine.”  See, e.g., Biden v. Nebraska, 600 U.S. 477 (2023); West Virginia v. EPA, 597 U.S. 697 (2022); Department of Homeland Sec. v. Regents of the Univ. of California, 591 U.S. 1 (2020).  Here, the Court refuses to allow readings of statutes that would permit administrative resolution of major questions without clearer guidance from Congress in the governing statute.  Whether the major questions doctrine constitutes a stealth reinvigoration of the nondelegation doctrine is a disputed matter.  See, e.g., Biden, 600 U.S. at 507 (Barrett, J., concurring); West Virginia, 597 U.S. at 735 et seq (Gorsuch, J., concurring); Gundy, 588 U.S. at 149 (Gorsuch, J., dissenting).  It will be interesting to see if the Court applies the major questions doctrine to some of Trump’s broad assertions of power under less than clear statutory authorization.  For a lower court that has just done so, see V.O.S. Selections, Inc. v. The United States of America (invalidating tariffs; U.S. Ct. Int’l Trade, May 28, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cit.17080/gov.uscourts.cit.17080.55.0.pdf.

[xiii] Similarly, the Senate can threaten to refuse to confirm presidential nominations or ratify treaties.

[xiv] Musings about Congress’ power to act – either via the kind of legislative veto that Chadha rejects, or through standard Article I, section 7 bicameralism and presentment – may seem fanciful at a moment when Congress appears supine before a presidential bully.  Nonetheless, it’s worth pondering the powers available to and the limits that would confront an effective and willing Congress.

[xv] I don’t mean to downplay such powers here.  They may be key to stopping Trump’s excesses.  They’re just not the focus of this essay.

[xvi] See, e.g., Merrill v. Milligan, 142 S. Ct. 879, 880 (2022) (per curiam grant of stay) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (applicant to Supreme Court for stay of lower court judgment “ordinarily must show (i) a reasonable probability that this Court would eventually grant review and a fair prospect that the Court would reverse, and (ii) that the applicant would likely suffer irreparable harm absent the stay…. In deciding whether to grant a stay pending appeal or certiorari, the Court also considers the equities (including the likely harm to both parties) and the public interest.”); see also id. at 883 n.1 (Kagan, J., dissenting) (“A stay pending appeal is an “extraordinary” remedy”; “The applicant … bears the “especially heavy” burden of proving that such relief is warranted”; “Our stay standard asks (1) whether the applicant is likely to succeed on the merits, and (2) whether the likelihood of irreparable harm to the applicant, the balance of equities, and the public interest weigh in favor of granting a stay.”).

[xvii] See, e.g., D.V.D. v. Department of Homeland Sec. (deportation; D. Mass. May 21, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.282404/gov.uscourts.mad.282404.118.0_1.pdf; Abrego Garcia v. Noem (deportation; D. Md. April 11, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815/gov.uscourts.mdd.578815.61.0_3.pdf; State of New York v. Trump (frozen federal funds; D. R.I. February 10, 2025), https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.rid.58912/gov.uscourts.rid.58912.96.0_2.pdf.

[xviii] Trump himself might not.  See Trump v. United States, 603 U.S. 593 (2024) (granting President absolute immunity for some official acts and at least qualified (“presumptive”) immunity for other official acts).

[xix] 119th Congress, “H.R. 1 § 70302. RESTRICTION ON ENFORCEMENT.  No court of the United States may enforce a contempt citation for failure to comply with an injunction or temporary restraining order if no security was given when the injunction or order was issued pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 65(c), whether issued prior to, on, or subsequent to the date of enactment of this section.”

One might offer a fifth hurdle:  Courts do not have the power to enforce contempt sanctions themselves; they must rely on executive branch actors.  Thus, the President might thwart effective enforcement of contempt sanctions, and also (arguably) might pardon those held in contempt of a federal court order.  For some questions about this, see https://verdict.justia.com/2017/08/31/presidential-pardon-power-may-not-absolute.

[xx] Federalist 51 (Madison), https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/historic-document-library/detail/james-madison-federalist-no-51-1788.

The post Checking A Presidential Bully appeared first on Reason.com.

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Saudi Women Held In ‘Hellish’ Rehab Centers For ‘Disobedience’

Saudi Women Held In ‘Hellish’ Rehab Centers For ‘Disobedience’

Via Middle East Eye

Hundreds of Saudi women are being held in “hellish” conditions in secretive care homes, used to “rehabilitate” women banished by their families, according to a report in the Guardian. Over a period of six months, the Guardian collected testimonies about conditions in the care homes, known as Dar al-Reaya. 

The homes are where women are sent by their families or husbands for alleged disobedience, extramarital sexual relations or absence from home. Conditions were described to the Guardian as “hellish”, and included weekly floggings, forced religious teaching and a ban on any contact with the outside world. 

Sarah al-Yahia, who lives in exile and campaigns for the abolition of the homes, said she had spoken to a number of inmates about life in the homes. The women and girls described several abuses, including being given sedatives to put them to sleep, strip searches and virginity tests

One woman described getting lashes for not praying, and also getting lashes and being accused of lesbianism for being alone with another woman. 

Yahia herself was threatened by her father that she would be sent to one of the facilities when she was 13. “My father used it as a threat if I didn’t obey his sexual abuse,” she said. 

“I know a woman who was sentenced to six months in jail because she helped a victim of violence,” Yahia added. “If you are sexually abused or get pregnant by your brother or father you are the one sent to Dar al-Reaya to protect the family’s reputation.”

‘Utterly alone and terrified’

There have been reports of women committing or attempting to commit suicide due to the abusive conditions, according to rights group Alqst. Saudi officials describe the institutions as “shelter for girls accused or convicted of various crimes who are aged less than 30”

It says that they serve to “rehabilitate the female inmates in time of entering the facility in order to return them to their family”. 

Amina, whose name was changed for security reasons, said she sought refuge in a care home in Buraydah, central Saudi Arabia, after being beaten by her father. She found staff at the home to be “cold and unhelpful”, and belittling of her experience. 

Amina said that the facility asked her and her father to write down “conditions”. Her conditions included not being beaten or forced into marriage. However, she said once she was released, the beatings continued, and she was later forced into exile. 

“I remember being utterly alone and terrified. I felt like a prisoner in my own home, with no one to protect me, no one to defend me,” she said. 

Another woman told the Guardian that she was held in Dar al-Reaya after she told the police that she had been abused by her father and brothers. She said she was held there until her father agreed for her to be released, despite the fact that her father was the alleged abuser. 

“If they are serious about advancing women’s rights, they must abolish these discriminatory practices and allow the establishment of genuine shelters that protect, rather than punish, those who have experienced abuse,” Nadyeen Abdulaziz, of Alqst, said. 

Allegations denied

A Saudi spokesperson rejected claims of enforced confinement and mistreatment in the facilities. “These are not detention centers, and any allegation of abuse is taken seriously and subject to thorough investigation,” the spokesperson told the Guardian. 

Image source: Bloomberg

“Women are free to leave at any time, whether to attend school, work, or other personal activities, and may exit permanently whenever they choose with no need of approval from a guardian or family member.”

Since taking de-facto control of the kingdom in 2017, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has overseen a widespread crackdown on dissent, even as he pushed several nominally liberalising reforms.

Those reforms include allowing women to drive, and relaxing restrictions preventing women from travelling without the consent of a male guardian. However in recent years, Saudi Arabia has jailed several women who have spoken out against women’s rights and human rights abuses in the country. 

In May 2023, Fatima al-Shwarabi was given a 30-year sentence for anonymously tweeting about political prisoners, women’s rights and unemployment. Last January, Saudi activist and fitness instructor Manahel al-Otaibi was sentenced to 11 years for promoting women’s rights on social media.

Salma al-Shehab, a Leeds University doctoral candidate and women’s rights activist who was handed down a decades-long sentence for her tweets in 2022, was released this year. 

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 15:10

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U2’s Bono Claims: “300,000 Dead After USAID Cuts”

U2’s Bono Claims: “300,000 Dead After USAID Cuts”

Left-wing activist and U2 frontman Paul David Hewson—better known as “Bono”—made the ridiculous claim that the Department of Government Efficiency’s (DOGE) decision to scale back funding for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has resulted in 300,000 deaths.

So, so just a recent report, it’s not proven, but the surveillance suggests 300,000 people have already died from just this cutoff, this hard cut of USAID. So, there’s food rotting in boats, in warehouses,” Bono told Joe Rogan on the latest episode of The Joe Rogan Experience.

Bono continued, “There is this this this will will f*ck you off. This will not make you happy. No American will. But there is … I think it’s 50,000 tons of food that are stored in Djibouti, South Africa, Dubai, and wait for it, Houston, Texas. And that is rotting rather than going to Gaza, rather than going to Sudan, because the people who know the codes or for the warehouse are fired. They’re gone.”

“And so this I don’t know. I just it’s and what do you think? What, what is that? That’s not America, is it?” the Irish singer questioned. 

Rogan pushed back on Bono’s claims: The podcaster said global aid programs funded through USAID have done real good—like providing clean water, food, and medicine, however, there has also been massive fraud, money laundering, and a lack of oversight

Here’s Rogan’s response to Bono: 

“Well, they’re throwing the baby out with the bath water. Right. Right. This is the problem. The problem is for sure there have been a lot of organizations that do tremendous good all throughout the world. Also, for sure, it [USAID] was a money laundering operation. For sure there was no oversight. For sure. billions of dollars are missing. In fact, trillions that are unaccounted for were sent off into various they they don’t even know where because there are no receipts. The way Elon Musk described it, he said if any of this were done by a public company, the company would be delisted and the executives would be in prison. But in the United States, this is standard.

When Biden left office, when it was clear that Trump won in the 73 days, they spent $93 billion from the Department of Energy on just radical loans, just throwing money into places. And there’s no oversight, no receipts. Like the whole thing, there’s a lot of fraud, a lot of money laundering, but also we help the world. 

And when you’re talking about making wells for people in the Congo to get fresh water, when you’re talking about food and medicine to places that don’t have access, like no way that should have been cut out and that should have been clear before they make these radical cuts. Like there’s got to be a way to keep aid and not have fraud and you can’t have you can’t say we’re going to kill everything so that there’s no fraud. But then you’re killing all the good and you’re doing it without letting anybody know it’s going to happen.

So no one’s it’s not like they had three years to prepare. Let’s build a new infrastructure. Let’s make sure that everything’s set up.

They wanted change and they want to change quickly. And due to the nature of American politics, they have about two years before the midterms, right?

So everything has to get done as quickly as possible. You have to show a GDP growth. You have to show that the economy is booming again under these ideas. Make America first, tariffs for the world, bring back American manufacturing, and this mad rush to do it all as quickly as possible while cutting out as much waste as possible. Yeah. But the ironic thing is even though Elon Musk has proposed all these things and the Doge committee has proposed all these things, they’ve made no cuts in terms of the budget.”

Watch

It is worth noting that Bono’s claim may be based on projections by Brooke Nichols, a mathematician and infectious disease professor at Boston University, who modeled an estimated 300,000 deaths, with over 200,000 of them being children. However, much like weather models, these projections are highly speculative and come with significant uncertainty.

For context, Bono is involved in several nonprofit and philanthropic initiatives focused on combating poverty and disease and promoting social justice.

His key nonprofit affiliations include

ONE Campaign

Co-founded by Bono in 2004, the ONE Campaign is an international, non-partisan, nonprofit organization advocating for investments to create economic opportunities and improve health in Africa. It utilizes data, grassroots activism, and political engagement to influence policy decisions aimed at ending extreme poverty and preventable diseases.

RED

Established in 2006 by Bono and Bobby Shriver, (RED) partners with iconic brands to raise awareness and funds to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. Proceeds from (RED) products go directly to the Global Fund to support health programs in Africa.

DATA (Debt, AIDS, Trade, Africa)

Founded in 2002, DATA aimed to raise awareness about Africa’s challenges related to debt, AIDS, and trade. The organization focused on influencing policy and public opinion in developed countries to support Africa’s development. In 2007, DATA merged with the ONE Campaign to consolidate efforts.

EDUN

In 2005, Bono and his wife, Ali Hewson, launched EDUN, a fashion brand promoting fair trade and ethical practices in Africa. The initiative aimed to stimulate sustainable employment and growth in developing regions through the fashion industry.

The Rise Fund 

Bono co-founded The Rise Fund in 2016, a global impact investing fund managed by TPG. The fund invests in companies that deliver measurable social and environmental impact alongside competitive financial returns.

Making sense of Bono’s claims—and his information war against DOGE—requires following the money. Specifically, the ONE Campaign, which he co-founded, receives major funding from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

Bono’s comments mirrors Bill Gates’ recent anti-DOGE media blitz, as seen across corporate outlets:

Bill and Bono in 2006.

Bono and failed far-left presidential candidate Kamala Harris. 

Sigh. 

Play the DC Swamp game, and get an award. 

At the end of the day, only the grifters scream the loudest. Gates and Bono want the taxpayer-funded money spigot turned back on.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 05/31/2025 – 14:35

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