Budget Office Releases Terrifying Long-Term Debt Forecast

Budget Office Releases Terrifying Long-Term Debt Forecast

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/22/2020 – 14:45

Back in January, when the CBO presented its latest long-term debt forecast, we – and Albert Edwards – said that this was nothing short of a “ticking timebomb“, one which convinced Albert Edwards shortly after that helicopter money was on its way. Just over a month later, this prediction came true when the Fed unleashed unlimited QE with the explicit intention of monetizing all near-term Treasury issuance in collaboration with the Treasury. The reason: the US economy was about to incur $3 trillion in debt to fund the biggest fiscal stimulus in US history, and much more to come after now that Magic Money Tree has been unleashed on the US with wide segments of the population now expecting Universal Basic Income for the foreseeable future.

Unfortunately, this also meant that the CBO’s already catastrophic long-term debt forecast had become woefully outdated, which is why we were looking forward to today’s latest Long-Term Budget Outlook report from the CBO.

It did not disappoint: as the CBO openly admits, now that the US has fully embraced helicopter money, “deficits grow from an average of 4.8 percent of GDP from 2010 to 2019 to an average of 10.9 percent from 2041 to 2050, driving up debt. Net spending for interest rises rapidly and accounts for much of the growth in total deficits in the last two decades of the projection period.”

Another way of visualizing this: growth in outlays vastly outpaces growth in revenues, “resulting in larger budget deficits over the long run.”

The biggest source of government spending: interest on Federal debt, which surpasses mandatory spending in total terms around 2030, then surpasses both total Discretionary Spending and Social Security around 2040-2045, and then around 2050 becomes the second biggest US federal outlay only after healthcare programs. At that pace, however, it surpasses healthcare spending around 2055 at which point the US is officially a Minsky Moment republic, where the biggest outlay for the government is interest on the US mountain of debt.

Of course, since the bond market won’t just sit there and wait for the US to become one giant interest expense ponzy scheme, expect interest rates to soar much faster than the CBO currently projects, which means the D-Day when interest spending become the primary government outlay will come much sooner.

Which brings us to the punchline: the amount of debt itself as projected by the CBO. As the budget agency explains “federal debt held by the public surpasses its historical high of 106 percent of GDP in 2023 and continues to climb in most years thereafter. In 2050, debt as a percentage of GDP is nearly 2.5 times what it was at the end of last year.… Relative to the size of the economy, federal debt is higher in this year’s projections than it was in last year’s projections. The economic disruption caused by the 2020 coronavirus pandemic and the federal government’s response to it contribute significantly to that difference”

The CBO also provided the following color to explain why debt exploded even before the Covid pandemic.

Federal debt held by the public has increased significantly in recent years. At the end of 2007, federal debt was 35 percent of GDP. Deficits arising from the 2007–2009 recession and from policies implemented to counter the effects of the downturn caused debt to grow in relation to the economy over the next five years. By the end of 2012, debt as a share of GDP had doubled, reaching 70 percent, and it has climbed since then, reaching 79 percent by 2019.

Next the CBO gives a terse discussion on why debt is projected to continue to grow even more:

Debt as a percentage of GDP is projected to increase in most years as the government incurs budget deficits that are large relative to the growth of the economy. If current laws generally remained unchanged, federal budget deficits would be substantially larger over the next 30 years than they were over the past 50 years. In CBO’s projections, deficits rise after 2030 as mandatory spending—in particular, outlays for the major health care programs—and interest payments on federal debt grow faster than revenues.  That growth in deficits causes projected debt to rise as a percentage of GDP over the 2030–2050 period.

Finally, here is the most terrifying chart in the latest CBO forecast – and of all CBO forecasts released yet – which as hinted in the title, is the one which projects US debt for the next 30 years, and shows that over the next three decades nothing short of hyperinflation, or war, can save the US.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/2RSQJek Tyler Durden

“Sounding Good Or Doing Good?” – Prof Damodaran Abandons The ESG Bandwagon

“Sounding Good Or Doing Good?” – Prof Damodaran Abandons The ESG Bandwagon

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/22/2020 – 14:45

Questioning the righteousnness of ESG investing is almost as heretical as questioning lockdowns, mask-wearing, and Elon Musk’s genius; which is why we have felt somewhat lonely out here on our branch of ESG skeptics.

While flows continue to dominate, and virtue is signaled, performance ex-post just hasn’t lived up to the hype and now, none other than the professor of valuationsNYU Stern’s Aswath Damodaran – has been brave enough to write a paper (with Brad Cornell) daring to question the “value” of ESG investing.

In the last decade, companies have come under pressure to be socially conscious and environmentally responsible, with the pressure coming sometimes from politicians, regulators and interest groups, and sometimes from investors. The argument that corporate managers should replace their singular focus on shareholders with a broader vision, where they also serve other stakeholders, including customers, employees and society, has found a receptive audience with corporate CEOs and institutional investors. The pitch that companies should focus on “doing good” is sweetened with the promise that it will also be good for their bottom line and for shareholders. In this paper, we build a framework for value that will allow us to examine how being socially responsible can manifest in the tangible ingredients of value and look at the evidence for whether being socially responsible is creating value for companies and for investors.

Damodaran wrote the following to address this on his “Musings On Markets” blog:

In my time in corporate finance and valuation, I have seen many “new and revolutionary” ideas emerge, each one marketed as the solution to all of the problems that businesses face. Most of the time, these ideas start by repackaging an existing concept or measure and adding a couple of proprietary tweaks that are less improvement and more noise, then get acronyms, before being sold relentlessly. With each one, the magic fades once the limitations come to the surface, as they inevitably do, but not before consultants and bankers have been enriched.

So, forgive me for being a cynic when it comes to the latest entrant in this game, where ESG (Environmental, Social and Governance), a measure of the environment and social impact of companies, has become one of the fastest growing movements in business and investing, and this time, the sales pitch is wider and deeper.

Companies that improve their social goodness standing will not only become more profitable and valuable over time, we are told, but they will also advance society’s best interests, thus resolving one of the fundamental conflicts of private enterprise, while also enriching investors. This week, the ESG debate has come back to take main stage, for three reasons.

  • It is the fiftieth anniversary of one of the most influential opinion pieces in media history, where Milton Friedman argued that the focus of a company should be profitability, not social good. There have been many retrospectives published in the last week, with the primary intent of showing how far the business world has moved away from Friedman’s views. 

  • There were multiple news stories about how “good” companies, with goodness measured on the social scale, have done better during the COVID crisis, and how much money was flowing into ESG funds, with some suggesting that the crisis could be a tipping point for companies and investors, who were on the fence about the added benefits of being socially conscious. 

  • In a more long standing story line, the establishment seems to have bought into ESG consciousness, with business leaders in the Conference Board signing on to a “stakeholder interest” statement last year and institutional investors shifting more money into ESG funds.

In the interests of openness, I took issue with the Conference Board last year on stakeholder interests, and I start from a position of skepticism, when presented with “new” ways of business thinking. If the debate about ESG had been about facts, data and common sense, and ESG had won, I would gladly incorporate that thinking into my views on corporate finance, investing and valuation. But that has not been the case, at least so far, simply because ESG has been posited by its advocates as good, and any dissent from the party line on ESG (that it is good for companies, investors and society) is viewed as a sign of moral deficiency. At the risk of sounding being labeled a troglodyte (I kind of like that label), I will argue that many fundamental questions about ESG have remained unanswered or have been answered sloppily, and that it is in its proponents’ best interests to stop overplaying the morality card, and to have an honest discussion about whether ESG is a net good for companies, investors and society.

Even if you overlook disagreements on ESG as growing pains, there is one more component that adds noise to the mix and that is the direction of causality: Do companies perform better because they are socially conscious (good) companies, or do companies that are doing well find it easier to do good?

 Put simply, if ESG metrics are based upon actions/measures that companies that are doing better, either operationally and/or in markets, can perform/deliver more easily than companies that are doing badly, researchers will find that ESG and performance move together, but it is not ESG that is causing good performance, but good performance which is allowing companies to be socially good.

Read more here…

Damodaran dares to conclude… it’s over-hyped!

In many circles, ESG is being marketed as not only good for society, but good for companies and for investors. In my view,  the hype regarding ESG has vastly outrun the reality of both what it is, and what it can deliver, and the buzzwords are not helpful. That is the reason I have tried to under use words like sustainability and resilience, two standouts in the ESG advocates lexicon, in writing this post. I believe that the potential to make money on ESG for consultants, bankers and investment managers has made at least some of them cheerleaders for the concept, with claims of the payoffs based on research that is ambiguous and inconclusive, if not outright inconsistent. The evidence as I see it is nuanced, and can be summarized as follows:

  • There is a weak link between ESG and operating performance (growth and profitability), and while some firms benefit from being good, many do not. Telling firms that being socially responsible will deliver higher growth, profits and value is false advertising. The evidence is stronger that bad firms get punished, either with higher funding costs or with a greater incidence of disasters and shocks. ESG advocates are on much stronger ground telling companies not to be bad, than telling companies to be good. In short, expensive gestures by publicly traded companies to make themselves look “good” are futile, both in terms of improving performance and delivering returns.

  • The evidence that investors can generate positive excess returns with ESG-focused investing is weak, and there is no evidence that active ESG investing does any better than passive ESG investing, echoing a finding in much of active investing literature. Even the most favorable evidence on ESG investing fails to solve the causation problem. Based on the evidence, it appears to me that just as likely that successful firms adopt the ESG mantle, as it is that adopting the ESG mantle makes firms successful.

  • If there is a hopeful note for ESG investing, it is in the payoff to being early to the ESG game. Investors who are ahead of markets in assessing how corporate behavior, good or bad, will play out in performance or priced, will be able to earn excess returns, and if they can affect the change, by being activist, can benefit even more.

Much of the ESG literature starts with an almost perfunctory dismissal of Milton Friedman’s thesis that companies should focus on delivering profits and value to their shareholders, rather than play the role of social policy makers. The more that I examine the arguments that advocates for ESG make for why companies should expand mission statements, and the evidence that they offer for the proposition, the more I am inclined to side with Friedman. After all, if ESG proponents are right, and being good makes companies more profitable and valuable, they are on the same page as Friedman. If, on the other hand, adopting ESG practices makes companies less valuable, the onus is on ESG’s proponents to show that societal benefits exceed that lost value.

The ESG bandwagon may be gathering speed and getting companies and investors on board, but when all is said and done, a lot of money will have been spent, a few people (consultants, ESG experts, ESG measurers) will have benefitted, but companies will not be any more socially responsible than they were before ESG entered the business lexicon.

What is needed is an open, frank, and detailed dialogue concerning ESG-related corporate policies, with an acceptance that being good can add value at some companies and may destroy value at others, and that in the long term, investing in good companies can pay off during transition periods but will often translate into lower returns in the long term, rather than higher returns.

Read the full blog post here…

*  *  *

Full Paper below:

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3iTPVBT Tyler Durden

In First Post-RBG Test, GOP Will Ask Supreme Court To Limit Pennsylvania Mail Voting

In First Post-RBG Test, GOP Will Ask Supreme Court To Limit Pennsylvania Mail Voting

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/22/2020 – 14:28

In what looks to be the first major test of the new post-RBG iteration of the Supreme Court, which could soon have a 6-3 conservative majority, the GOP is planning to ask SCOTUS to review a major PA state court decision that extended the due date for mail-in ballots in a critical battleground state.

The news was first reported by the Hill, but the party’s intentions were actually revealed in a set of court documents published overnight. The PA Supreme Court decision was handed down last week. Under the ruling, PA must accept ballots postmarked by Election Day, so long as they arrive within three days.

Ginsburg’s death leaves SCOTUS with a 5-3 conservative majority: However, both Chief Justice John Roberts and Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch have, in the past, broken with their fellow conservatives on decisions ranging from health-care to immigration. As Dems cry about the court moving to curtail voting rights, it’s important to remember nobody knows how a justice will rule on any given issue until a case has been heard. Their past rulings are merely a guide.

With the expectation being that Ginsburg’s replacement will be installed and sworn in before the court hears this ruling (Republicans are shooting to wrap up the confirmation votes next week after Trump announces his final decision on Saturday), it will be a test more broadly of where the conservative-dominated court stands on voting rights and access – issues that Democrats are trying to elevate.

20200921 133 MM 2020 – Application for Partial Stay of September 17 2020 Judgment (1) by Zerohedge on Scribd

PA Republicans argued the state court’s decision “creates a serious likelihood that Pennsylvania’s imminent general election “will be tainted by votes that were illegally cast or mailed after Election Day.”

In the petition, the state GOP says it has a “substantial case on the merits” that this presumption is preempted by federal law and violates the US Constitution. After all, SCOTUS earlier this year stayed a judgment extending Wisconsin’s implied postmark deadline for absentee ballots because the decision “extended the date by which ballots may be cast”.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/35XTwvb Tyler Durden

Time To Go All-In The “Big Short 3.0”? Two-Thirds Of US Hotels Say They Won’t Last Six More Month At Current Occupancy Levels

Time To Go All-In The “Big Short 3.0”? Two-Thirds Of US Hotels Say They Won’t Last Six More Month At Current Occupancy Levels

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/22/2020 – 14:06

Now that hedge funds have finally started piling into the “Big Short 3.0″ trade, which as we first explained back in June is basically shifting the CMBS short from malls to hotels, every incremental development in the sector is closely scrutinized.

And judging by the continued decline in the fulcrum BBB- tranche of the CMBX Series 9 index which has the highest exposure to hotels, developments continue to be adverse with little sign of recovery on the horizon.

The latest tailwind blast for the CMBX 9 shorts came from a report from NorthStar according to which, without aid 74% percent of US hotels said they expect to lay off more employees, with a whopping two thirds of properties warning they won’t be able to last another six months at the current projected revenue and occupancy levels.

Needless to say, should two-thirds of the US hotel industry fold, shorting the CMBX S9 BBB- could well be the most profitable (institutionally sized) short in recent history when the Fed has effectively made shorting impossible.

Here are some more details from the report:

Seven months after the Covid-19 pandemic struck the United States, the hospitality industry is still reeling and the need for federal relief is growing dire. New research from the American Hotel and Lodging Association shows 68 percent of hotels have less than half of their normal staff working full time. In addition, more than two-thirds of hotels said they would not be able to last six more months at the current projected revenue and occupancy levels, and half of the hospitality owners polled said they are in danger of foreclosure. Without government assistance, 74 percent of hotels said they would be forced to lay off more employees. 

Another study released by the AHLA last month found that unemployment within the hospitality and leisure sector is at 38 percent, nearly four times that of the national average (10.2 percent). In an effort to the save industry, the organization is calling on lawmakers to swiftly pass additional Covid-19 relief.

“It’s time for Congress to put politics aside and prioritize the many businesses and employees in the hardest-hit industries. Hotels are cornerstones of the communities they serve, building strong local economies and supporting millions of jobs,” said Chip Rogers, president and CEO of the AHLA. “Every member of Congress needs to hear from us about the urgent need for additional support, so that we can keep our doors open and bring back our employees.”

According to the AHLA, urban hotels have been hit especially hard and are seeing occupancy rates around 38 percent. Research from hospitality-data provider STR shows the average occupancy rate for all U.S. hotels in August was 48.6 percent, up slightly from 47 percent in July. This marked the lowest occupancy rate for any August on record (STR was founded in 1985), and the company expects U.S. hotel demand will not fully recover until 2023. 

“Our industry is in crisis. Thousands of hotels are in jeopardy of closing forever, and that will have a ripple effect throughout our communities for years to come,” said Rogers. “We need help urgently to keep hotels open so that our industry and our employees can survive and recover from this public-health crisis.”

Rogers recently indicated that more than 8,000 hotels could close in September if business travel does not pick up and funding from the Paycheck Protection Program runs out. According to AHLA, only 20 percent of hotels have received any debt relief from commercial mortgage-backed security lenders on Wall Street. Without aid from Congress, the industry association expects massive foreclosures.

More than half (58 percent) of Manhattan hotels remain closed, according to the latest Manhattan Lodging Index from PricewaterhouseCoopers. Findings from the report show approximately 61,450 hotel rooms in Manhattan had not reopened as of early September. Of these, nearly 2,700 are expected to be shuttered permanently. 

“You won’t see meaningful increases in operating metrics for Manhattan hotels until we see a return of the business traveler, and that likely comes after a widely distributable vaccine and therapeutics become available,” said Warren Marr, managing director of U.S. hospitality and leisure for PwC.

Some properties are already closing their doors. Among the hotels lost to Covid-19 are the Omni Berkshire PlaceTimes Square EditionHilton WestchesterW New York Downtown and the Hilton Hotel Times Square, all of which are in New York state. A report from The Wall Street Journal suggests 20 percent of the state’s total hotel supply (about 250,000 rooms) could close permanently. 

As an additional indicator of industry health, U.S. hotel transactions were down 74 percent year-over-year from March through May, according to the latest Hotel Transaction Almanac, produced by STR’s Consulting and Analytics office and CoStar Group. May represented the largest decline in the total volume of hotel deals, falling 94 percent compared with last year. According to STR, only 68 assets representing a combined total of $112 million were sold in the month of May, compared with 329 hotels worth $1.8 billion in May 2019. The number of transactions will likely begin to rebound as investors look for distressed inventory, according to the report.

Economic Impact of COVID-19

Since mid-February, U.S. properties have lost more than $46 billion in room revenue, according to the AHLA. Hotels across the country are on track to lose more than $400 million in room revenue per day due to COVID-19, which equates to losses of $2.8 billion weekly.

As a result, many hotels — 87 percent, according to the AHLA — were forced to furlough or lay off staff members. More than 7.7 million hospitality and leisure jobs were lost at the peak of the pandemic and 4.3 million remain out of work. Even as properties have reopened and occupancy picks up, layoffs continue. In many cases, furloughed employees are now losing their jobs permanently.

In the latest news, Marriott International plans to let go of 17 percent of its corporate workforce. According to The New York Times, the company confirmed that it will lay off 673 people in late October. Marriott had initially furloughed two-thirds of its corporate staff in March. In June, the furloughs were extended until early October. The hotel giant said it does not expect to return to prior levels of business until beyond 2021. Effective Sept. 20, Marriott will no longer be listed on the Chicago Stock Exchange, a move the company said would reduce administrative costs and requirements.

Hotel and casino giant MGM Resorts was expected expected to lay off 18,000 of its furloughed staff, starting Aug. 31. The company had furloughed 62,000 employees in March, according to Reuters.

InterContinental Hotels Group eliminated 10 percent of its corporate staff in July, as part of a $150 million cost-cutting plan that is expected to continue in 2021. Oyo Rooms, which operates more than 43,000 hotels with more than 1 million rooms around the world, announced in mid-July that more than 90 percent of its U.S. workforce would be let go. 

Las Vegas-based Boyd Gaming, which owns and operates 29 casino properties across 10 states, many with hotels, announced July 13 that it had let go more than 25 percent of its workers. The cut essentially turns a large number of furloughs into permanent layoffs. According to a company spokesperson, the number of layoffs is “at the lower end” of 25 to 60 percent of the total workforce — the range that the company had warned in May could be affected.

In June, Hilton let go of 22 percent of its corporate workforce. Rosen Hotels & Resorts, which owns and operates nine properties in Orlando, has also announced layoffs. The company implemented a “substantial reduction of workforce across multiple locations” on July 31. 

“It is with deep personal regret that I announce a significant downsizing of staff at Rosen Hotels & Resorts. Never in the 46-year history of my company would I have envisioned such a drastic decision,” said Harris Rosen, president and COO of Rosen Hotels & Resorts. “Since the onset of COVID-19 earlier this year, we have maintained as many staff as possible, with the hope of business returning to usual in June of this year. Regrettably, this did not come to pass… This is especially painful for me, as I consider these valued associates as extended members of the Rosen family, without whose contributions our company would never have achieved the success it has through the years.”

Doug Dreher, president and CEO of The Hotel Group, called the effect of the coronavirus pandemic on the hospitality industry “devastating” and expected his company to lay off at least a third of its workforce.

“It is for us the Great Depression, utterly devastating,” said Dreher. “We’ve tried to get ahead of it. We’re working with lenders, but we need help. We need help in every imaginable way. The human toll breaks your heart.” 

Reopening Hotel Properties

Many hotels have reopened their doors and are welcoming guests back with new cleaning protocols in place. Omni Hotels & Resorts, for example, has reopened most of its properties which had shut down during the pandemic. At the height of the pandemic, the hotelier had temporarily closed more than 40 of its properties. Only nine have yet to reopen, according to Omni’s travel advisory page

Gaylord Hotels was forced to temporarily close its five properties in the U.S. Four have since reopened: the Gaylord Texan Resort & Convention CenterGaylord Opryland Resort & Convention Center, Gaylord Palms Resort & Convention Center and Gaylord Rockies Resort & Convention Center. A reopening date for the Gaylord National Resort & Convention Center has not yet been set.

Gaming resorts, which were among the first to suspend operations en masse, are also reopening their doors. A Covid-19 Casino Tracker from the American Gaming Association reports that all 989 casinos in the U.S. were forced to close due to the pandemic. Of these, 901 have since reopened.

MGM Resorts and Wynn Resorts, for example, suspended operations at their Las Vegas properties on March 16. The companies, along with other Nevada gaming powerhouses such as Caesars Entertainment and Las Vegas Sands, reopened select casinos on June 4 in accordance with the state’s reopening plan. The companies are reopening more Nevada properties as demand rises. On Sept. 30, Park MGM and the NoMad Las Vegas will be the last MGM properties to begin welcoming guests again. Both will be smoke-free.

“Opening Park MGM and NoMad represent significant milestones, as they are the last of our properties to welcome back employees and guests alike,” said Bill Hornbuckle, CEO and president of MGM Resorts. “The last six months have presented extraordinary challenges and I could not be prouder of the MGM Resorts team for the tireless effort required to get us here. There is much work ahead as we remain focused on the health and safety of our employees and guests, but this is an important moment for us.”

Meanwhile, other hotels might be closed for good. This includes four Station Casino properties in Las Vegas that might never reopen, according to Frank Fertitta III, CEO of Station Casinos’s parent company Red Rock Resorts. Texas Station, Fiesta Henderson, Fiesta Rancho and Palms Casino Resort have all been closed for months and might never welcome guests back. “We don’t know if — or when — we’re going to reopen any of the closed properties. We think it’s too early to make that decision at this time,” said Fertitta during the company’s Q2 earnings call on Aug. 4.

In Connecticut, two tribal casinos reopened on June 1. The Mohegan Sun and Foxwoods Resort Casino released detailed reopening plans with new safety protocols to keep guests and staff members safe. Atlantic City casinos reopened on July 2, and Massachusetts casinos also welcomed guests back in July. Plainridge Park was the first to reopen on July 8, followed by the Encore Boston Harbor on July 12 and MGM Springfield on July 13. Meanwhile, New York’s Resorts World Casino and Jake’s 58 Casino Hotel reopened on Sept. 9 and the Empire City Casino is scheduled to reopen on Sept. 21.

Despite a surge in new coronavirus cases in the state of Florida, Orlando’s Walt Disney World began a phased reopening of its theme parks and resort hotels on July 11. Disneyland, in Anaheim, Calif., had announced a July 17 opening but has postponed that as the state has yet to release reopening guidelines for theme parks. A new date has not been set. 

A COVID-19 hotel-status directory from EproDirect, a hospitality industry marketing agency, indicates whether more than 4,000 hotels are currently open, and if they are accepting individual reservations and group bookings. While most of the properties listed are in the United States, hotel reps from any destination worldwide can list their hotel’s status for free.

New Openings and Renovations Delayed

The pandemic is also affecting properties in the pipeline. The Langham, Boston was due to unveil a multimillion-dollar renovation this fall. However, the completion date has been pushed back to early 2021 due to a local halt on construction.

The grand opening of Universal’s Endless Summer Resort – Dockside Inn and Suites has also been postponed. The resort was scheduled to open in mid-March; a new date has not yet been announced. 

Marriott is expecting to open and sign fewer hotel deals in 2020 than anticipated. In addition, the company has temporarily deferred most brand standards to help owners and franchisees, including delaying renovations due in 2020 by one year, according to Marriott president and CEO Arne Sorenson

“The coronavirus is fast becoming the most significant event to ever impact our business; that includes the 12-month period after 9/11 and the financial crisis of 2009,” said Sorenson during an investor update on March 19. But he noted that the development pipeline has not ground to a complete halt. “We’ve been signing deals and we have development committees that are meeting monthly. The volume is lighter and the numbers will be lower than we anticipated but they won’t be zero.”

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/35YATaD Tyler Durden

SEC Pays Whistleblower $2.4 Million For A “Timely Submission” That Halted “Ongoing Misconduct”

SEC Pays Whistleblower $2.4 Million For A “Timely Submission” That Halted “Ongoing Misconduct”

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/22/2020 – 13:45

The SEC announced on Monday that it had awarded $2.4 million to a whistleblower whose “timely submission of information prompted the agency to initiate an investigation and bring an enforcement action that stopped ongoing misconduct”.

The SEC said the whistleblower’s continued assistance helped them bring charges against the wrongdoing. 

Jane Norberg, Chief of the SEC’s Office of the Whistleblower, said: “The whistleblower awarded today quickly came forward with critical information and helped investigative staff target key information and identify important witnesses. Information from whistleblowers has again proven to be crucial in helping the Commission detect violations and better protect investors and the marketplace.”

This is the second such meaningful award announced within the last week by the SEC. Recall, just about a week ago, we noted when the SEC doled out more than $10 million to an unnamed “persistent” tipster.

Norberg said at the time: “This award recognizes the persistent efforts of the whistleblower to expose serious financial misconduct.”

“This whistleblower also provided extensive and ongoing assistance to the investigative team over the course of the investigation, including identifying witnesses and helping staff understand complex fact patterns and issues related to the matters under investigation,” she said.

In sum, the SEC has awarded about $520 million to 94 separate people since issuing its first whistleblower award in 2012. Payments for the awards are “made out of an investor protection fund established by Congress that is financed entirely through monetary sanctions paid to the SEC by securities law violators,” the release noted.

Whistleblowers can be eligible for an award when they provide the SEC with “original, timely, and credible information that leads to a successful enforcement action,” according to the agency.

Awards often range from 10% to 30% of money collected when sanctions bestowed by the SEC exceed $1 million. 

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/301eyFn Tyler Durden

Star Trek: Discovery Warp Speeds Its Way from Streaming into Network Primetime

startrekdiscovery_1161x653
  • Cosmos: Possible Worlds. Fox. Tuesday, September 22, 8 p.m.
  • Star Trek: Discovery. CBS. Thursday, September 24, 10 p.m.

The good news, as TV’s retread fall broadcast season continues its rollout this week, is that the beloved Vulcan Death Grip makes its reappearance in prime time for the first time in decades. The bad news is that no one applies it on the revenant of Neil deGrasse Tyson, who has risen from the television grave to reclaim his perennial hold on the Emmy for TV personality most in need of a hard slapping.

The death grip plays a key role in the pilot episode of Star Trek: Discovery, the seventh TV series in the Trekkie franchise, which CBS has pulled off its streaming service and pushed into prime time to bolster a lineup decimated by the coronavirus.

Discovery‘s popcorny science fiction has a science-fact (or maybe a better phrase would be “science-annoying”) counterpart over on Fox with Cosmos: Possible Worlds, the third incarnation of the 1980 PBS series, unfortunately not hosted by a hologram of Carl Sagan but the look-at-me-I’m-a-genius Tyson. This is one case where fiction is definitely preferable to fact.

I’m not necessarily the best guy to evaluate Discovery. My experience with Star Trek is mostly listening to Leonard and Sheldon speaking Klingon while a bored Penny stares into space, fantasizing about mauve nail polish.

Fortunately, you don’t really need a degree in Trekkie studies to enjoy Discovery. It’s a throwback to the early days of Star Trek and the Cold War sci-fi that spawned it, with the humans and their allies as the United States and the warrior-species Klingons as the Soviets. Phasers are never set to stun.

In a lot of recent Star Trek spinoffs, the Klingons have tended toward the cuddly, even allying with humans against Romulans and other deep-space riff-raff.

But Discovery takes place in the Star Trek long-ago-and-far-away, about a decade before the original TV series, and these Klingons are collectivist religious fanatics, not to be judgmental about it, and prove their loyalty to the group collective by roasting their own hands over torches, sort of extraterrestrial versions of Gordon Liddy, except armed with death rays. Alerted to the presence of humans in their corner of the universe, the Klingon chief snarls sarcastically in English to his colleagues: “We come in peace.”

Over on the U.S.S. Shenzhou, which is on a do-gooder mission helping out what Donald Trump might call the Shithole Planets, there’s debate about the intentions of the Klingons, who mostly haven’t been seen in the last hundred years or so.

Executive Officer Michael Burnham (Sonequa Martin-Green, The Walking Dead), a human raised by ruthlessly logical Vulcans, says the Vulcans, after losing a ship to peace-feigning Klingons, forever afterwards simply blasted them on sight: “Violence brought respect. Respect brought peace.”

Captain Philippa Georgiou (Michelle Yeoh, Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon) isn’t buying it. “We don’t start shooting on a hunch,” she warns, “and we don’t take innocent lives.” It’s a bit like listening to a National Security Council smackdown between John Bolton and Mike Pompeo, except in this case, Bolton’s got the Vulcan Death Grip in his pocket.

Burnham, by the way, wasn’t raised by just any old Vulcans, but the late Mr. Spock’s own parents. (Listening to Martin-Green imitate Leonard Nimoy’s stop-and-go cadences is one of the most entertaining things about Discovery.) Oddly, in 50-some years of Star Trek movies and TV, this is the first time we’ve heard of a Spock sister or step-sister or whatever she is. For hard-core Trekkies, this is one of several unforgiveable deviations from canonical truth. The rest of us can just sit back and enjoy the smell of photon torpedoes in the morning.

Regrettably, this brings us to the subject of Cosmos: Possible Worlds. The original PBS show (Cosmos: A Personal Voyage) was one of the first television science documentaries for adults. The version Neil deGrasse Tyson hosted in 2014 (Cosmos: A Space-Time Odyssey) was one of the first television science documentaries aimed at showing how much smarter Tyson was than everyone else.

Cosmos: Possible Worlds mainly serves to show that Tyson has survived a brief stay in #MeToo purgatory. It’s got too many CGI special effects; too much distorting of voices and blurring images, giving the unsettling feeling of a bad 1960s movie about LSD; so many random uses of unexplained scientific jargon that it often sounds as if it was written by a computerized buzz-phrase generator; and, mostly, too much Tyson.

Whether he’s clownishly picking himself up and dusting himself as if he was really knocked out of his chair by an animated collision of stars, or dispensing scientific trivia that’s essentially meaningless but can be used at I Fucking Love Science cocktail parties (“How small is 13 atoms? It’s a quadrillionth of the size of a grain of salt”), Tyson’s performance in Cosmos is all about self-promotion and show biz.

When he does venture into science, I don’t believe a word he says—especially his oft-repeated anecdote about getting kicked off a jury after upbraiding a judge over misuse of mathematics during a criminal trial. Can anyone really believe that a well-known television star can actually be ejected from a courtroom without the news media getting wind of it? Yet Tyson’s smug account of his superior intellect unraveling the criminal justice system has never been repeated by anyone but himself.

It would be great if somebody would apply the motto Tyson declares at the start of Cosmos— “question everything”—to that story. Or to his faux-anguished declaration, later in the show, that humanity is the world’s serial killer (“What is it about us that wherever we go we bring death?”), as if sharks, timber wolves and Mycobacterium tuberculosis are pacifist vegans. Or his repeated insistence that religion and property are the main enemies of science, despite the overwhelming technological and scientific superiority of the ecclesiastic and market-oriented West over the atheist and unpropertied East. Any chance Judge Judy could eject him from TV?

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/360nuPk
via IFTTT

On Health Care, the 2020 Presidential Race Pits Bad Ideas Against Bad Faith

sfphotosfour720542

Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death last week has thrown the presidential race into chaos. By once again placing health care policy in the foreground of the election, it has unleashed a more familiar political dynamic, in which bad ideas are pitted against bad faith. 

Following Ginsburg’s passing, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden signaled that he would respond by elevating health policy issues in the race. The Supreme Court is currently scheduled to hear a challenge to Obamacare shortly after the election; a Trump appointee to the court, the argument goes, might be more sympathetic to the challengers than a Biden nominee. The Trump administration, meanwhile, has taken the unusual step of declining to defend the law, arguing that it should be struck down in federal court. 

There’s a clear political logic to Biden’s move: Polling suggests that the single most effective issue for Democrats in the 2018 midterm election, where they overtook Republicans in the House, was health care. Democrats argued that Republicans who opposed Obamacare would eliminate the law’s regulations governing how insurance companies must treat individuals with preexisting conditions; many polls show those regulations are popular (although public support falls when the public is told about their costs). Republicans appear to have suffered at the polls accordingly, with Republican leaders admitting privately that the issue cost them seats. Biden’s plan appears to be to rerun the messaging strategy that proved most successful for Democrats in 2018. 

In doing so, however, Biden will inevitably highlight his own health care plan, which he has billed as an attempt to build on Obamacare. But Biden’s plan is better understood as an admission that the law, which Biden helped promote and pass as vice president, has not worked as promised. Biden would spend $750 billion, according to his own campaign estimates, to set up a government-run insurance plan, expanding both the law’s coverage subsidies and eligibility for them, in order to accomplish the goals the original law was supposed to accomplish on its own. 

As conservative health policy analyst Chris Jacobs notes in The Wall Street Journal, a little-noticed provision in Biden’s plan could end up providing incentives for individuals to move away from employer-sponsored coverage, substantially driving up federal spending on subsidies in the process. Jacobs estimates this effect could raise the cost of Biden’s plan to $2.2 trillion, in part by expanding subsidies for people who are already (or would otherwise be) covered by employer-sponsored insurance. Meanwhile, employers would be left providing coverage for older, sicker workers whose premiums would presumably rise; employers might also face higher taxes stemming from Obamacare’s employer coverage mandate.  

Employer-sponsored health coverage, an artifact of tax code preferences for workplace benefits, has many downsides, and should not be preserved at all cost. But Biden’s plan could upend it in a way that is both expensive to taxpayers and disruptive to current private insurance arrangements with little commensurate benefit. Like so many Democratic plans before it, it’s a kludgey technocratic misfire almost certain to result in unintended consequences

Biden’s plan to emphasize health care in the wake of Ginsburg’s death, however, will likely put pressure on Trump to explicate the details of his own health policy preferences. This may prove difficult because Trump himself has never provided any sign that his health care plan is anything other than disingenuous gobbledygook. 

That was on display last week during a town hall forum with George Stephanopolous of ABC News, during which an attendee asked Trump about his plan for health care and how he would protect individuals with existing health maladies. 

What followed was a contentious exchange in which Trump first promised that a new health care plan was coming that would protect preexisting conditions. Stephanopolous responded by noting that Trump has for over a year promised a new health care plan was coming in the space of just a few weeks, but no such plan has ever materialized; the host also noted that the Trump administration is currently backing a lawsuit to end Obamacare, including its regulations governing the sale and pricing of health coverage to people with preexisting conditions. 

Trump shot back with a garbled word salad that included the following elements: criticism of Obamacare, a claim that he effectively repealed Obamacare by repealing its individual mandate (which is not true), a claim that he ran Obamacare better than Obama (which has some merit), and criticism of Medicare for All (which his rival Joe Biden does not support). Perhaps most surprising was his insistence that, in fact, his health care plan already existed. “I have it already, and it’s a much better plan for you, and it’s a much better plan,” he said, adding shortly after: “You’re going to have new health care. And the preexisting condition aspect of it will always be in my plan.” 

The notion that Trump’s new health care plan exists already was surprising because the administration has released no such plan. Indeed, its existence was news to three Trump administration health officials last week, all of whom denied knowing about any such plan.

Perhaps others in the administration were working on it? That was what White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany suggested when pressed on the issue during a briefing. But McEnany wouldn’t provide any details about what was in the plan or who was producing it. Asked for specifics by a CNN reporter, McEnany responded curtly: “I’m not going to give you a readout of what our healthcare plan looks like and who’s working on it. If you want to know, come work here at the White House.” Less than 50 days before an election, Trump’s “much better plan” is apparently such a highly guarded secret that senior administration health officials know nothing about it, and the only way to experience its glory is to quit your job and work directly in the president’s inner circle. More plausibly, it simply doesn’t exist. 

The contrast between Trump’s baldly transparent insincerity and Biden’s insistence on poorly conceived bureaucratic workarounds will surprise few who have followed recent health care debates. That it persists may be the most normal thing about 2020.  

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/32SfX2O
via IFTTT

How a Deal to Prevent Court-Packing Can Still Happen

Court Packing 2
Cartoon criticizing Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1937 court-packing plan.

 

On Saturday, I proposed a potential deal that would prevent both a precipitious rush to confirm a nominee for the Supreme Court seat left vacant by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and the danger of the Democrats packing the Court in retaliation, then next time they have the chance to do so (which could easily happen as soon as next year, if they take control of both the White House and the Senate). In essence, the deal is that key GOP senators (enough to block a vote on a nominee) agree not to vote on a nominee until January, and key Democrats (enough to block any court-packing) commit to opposing court-packing for at least a long period of time (perhaps ten years). Since that time, a range of prominent academics and commentators from across the political spectrum have endorsed my idea, or put forward similar proposals of their own.

Conservative and libertarian supporters of this idea include conservative legal and political commentator David French, Adam White of the American Enterprise Institute, and columnist Jonah Goldberg, among others. Famed libertarian law professor Richard Epstein and Trevor Burrus of the Cato Institute have urged the two sides to, in effect, take the same actions I advocate even without any explicit deal.

On the political left, Johns Hopkins political scientist Steve Teles and University of North Carolina legal scholar Carissa Byrne Hessick have supported my proposal or variants thereof. Hessick suggests it could “avert disaster.” UC Berkeley law Dean Erwin Chemerinsky urges Democrats to threaten to pack the court in order to get the GOP to stand down on the nomination.

I am probably missing at least some supporters here. It is difficult to keep track of all the rapidly burgeoning commentary on the subject.

At the same time, there is no denying that the idea has  fared worse in the political arena than in the world of academics and commentators. While two GOP senators (Susan Collins and Linda Murkowski) have said the nomination and confirmation process should not go forward until after the election, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has secured the support of enough others to get a majority.

That could well be the death knell of any potential deal. As I have said from the start, the odds were always against my idea. But it isn’t necessarily dead yet. Some of the GOP senators who endorsed going forward with the nomination can still change their position if they get a reciprocal concession in exchange from the Democrats: in this case, a guarantee against court-packing. In that event, they can forestall accusations of betrayal by pointing out that they have secured a deal that guarantees at least a 5-4 conservative majority on the Court for some years to come, and a 6-3 if Trump wins. By contrast, in the absence of a deal, either a 5-4 or a 6-3 majority can quickly be reversed as soon as the Democrats control both the White House and Senate.

The key point here is that the calculations of at least some GOP senators might change if this deal were on the table. Most probably will not. But we only need two to join Murkowski and Collins to make the idea work. If Democratic senators make the offer, it might still find the two takers it needs. Alternatively, the offer could come from the Republicans and be accepted by Democrats (or a sufficient number of them).

There are undoubtedly many on both right and left who believe this deal requires “their” side to give up more than is warranted. But, for reasons explained in my initial post on the subject, one of the advantages of the idea is that it only needs the support of a few key players on both sides to work. I also explain there why they would have incentives to stick to the deal, once made.

All of this assumes that offers of this kind have not already been made and rejected by  behind the scenes. I’m not a Capitol Hill insider and obviously do not know what, if anything, has been discussed in private. But if the attempt has not been made so far, it is at least worth trying.

If, as is all too likely, we end up in a reciprocal cycle of court-packing, we will all lose—except perhaps for those who get to sit on what might eventually be a greatly expanded Supreme Court. Perhaps, in time, we can all be Supreme Court justices! That might offer some small consolation for the fact that the resulting much larger court can no longer function as an effective check on government power.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2ZVGTwQ
via IFTTT

Will Pennsylvania Be the Florida of the 2020 Election?

dreamstime_xl_161584348

Imagine this scenario: incumbent President Donald Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden are running neck and neck as results roll in on election night. Trump is once again losing the popular vote but winning enough states to give him a shot at a second term—and, as the night wears on, it becomes apparent that Pennsylvania’s 20 electoral votes may prove decisive.

The race is so close—in 2016, Trump won Pennsylvania by less than 50,000 votes—that pundits are already raising the prospect of a recount, but there are numerous complications. Hundreds of thousands of mailed-in ballots that arrived at county election offices in the weeks before Election Day are only starting to be counted. More mail-in ballots will be delivered on Wednesday. And Thursday. And Friday. They will all be counted. Conservative media makes hay out of reports that Democratic state officials have ordered counties not to reject mail-in ballots that have mismatched signatures. As the days pass and the results tip toward Biden, allegations of voter fraud fly around social media, the president tweets angrily about Democrats stealing the election, and lawsuits are filed. It seems almost certain that the whole thing will end up before the Supreme Court.

Gulp.

There is no shortage of nightmare scenarios surrounding the 2020 presidential election. For the most part, however, there is little reason to get worked up about crises that may come to pass—that goes for both Republicans who fear mass voter fraud and Democrats worried by the possibility that Trump will refuse to leave the White House if he is defeated. Neither the Postal Service nor Russian agents are likely going to steal this election.

But if there is a nightmarish, chaotic ending to what’s already been one of the most unpredictable campaign seasons in American history, there’s a good chance Pennsylvania will be at the center of it. And there’s a good chance that two under-the-radar decisions made earlier this month by the state’s election officials and its Supreme Court will be the reason why.

On September 15, the Pennsylvania Department of State issued new guidance telling counties not to reject mailed-in ballots solely because of mismatched or missing signatures. That clarification was made in response to a lawsuit that was triggered by the fact that more than 26,000 mail-in ballots were rejected during Pennsylvania’s primary election for signature issues. Now, counties will flag those ballots and give voters a chance to appear in-person to verify their ballots.

Then, on September 17, the state’s Supreme Court ordered counties to accept mail-in ballots that arrive up to three days after the November 3 election, as long as they were postmarked on or before Election Day. But there’s a potential wrinkle. Ballots “received within this period that lack a postmark or other proof of mailing, or for which the postmark or other proof of mailing is illegible, will be presumed to have been mailed by Election Day,” unless there is some evidence to suggest that they were not, the court wrote.

Both decisions are driven by a desire to avoid accidentally disenfranchising some voters who cast their ballots by mail. As I’ve written before, in-person voting reduces common mistakes that voters sometimes make—like voting for too many candidates or failing to sign a ballot—that are more likely to happen with absentee ballots. This year’s equivalent of the 2000 presidential election’s Florida recount, which hinged on “hanging chads” and ultimately required the U.S. Supreme Court to step in, is likely to be the very inexact science of trying to determine whether a signature on an absentee ballot matches the one on a voting roll.

With these new rules on the books, “Pennsylvania voters can cast their vote without fear that their ballot could be rejected solely because an election official—who isn’t trained in handwriting analysis—thinks their signatures don’t match. Voting should not be a penmanship test,” said Mark Gaber, director of trial litigation at the Campaign Legal Center, one of several voting rights nonprofits that had sued the state over the signature-matching issue. Those lawsuits were withdrawn after the Department of State issued new guidance earlier this month.

“Obviously the changes are disconcerting and do nothing to help voters but do open it up to fraud,” Ray Zaborney, a Pennsylvania-based Republican campaign strategist, tells Reason. “But, like anything else, each campaign will have to adjust to the changes, but the partisan nature of the court should be chilling for everyone.”

Even before those changes were made, Trump’s campaign (and the president himself) has argued expanded use of mail-in voting due to the COVID-19 pandemic will be ripe for fraud. That’s not true. In fact, studies show that absentee and mail-in ballots are no more vulnerable to fraud than in-person voting and that increased rates of mail-in balloting do not skew elections toward either Republicans or Democrats. When the Trump campaign tried to sue Pennsylvania earlier this year over its mail-in voting rules, it alleged voter fraud but couldn’t produce any evidence to support the claim.

Still, rewriting parts of the state’s election protocol just weeks before the election carries the stench of political favoritism—particularly when it is all being done by a Democratic administration and a state Supreme Court with a Democratic majority. (Judges in Pennsylvania are technically nonpartisan but are elected in partisan contests.) The perception of partisan politics shaping election rules could undermine the legitimacy of the election’s outcome if it all comes down to Pennsylvania.

And it definitely could. The latest forecast at FiveThirtyEight predicts that Pennsylvania is the most likely “tipping-point state”—that is, the state that puts either Biden or Trump over the all-important 270 electoral vote threshold. “In fact, Pennsylvania is so important that our model gives Trump an 84 percent chance of winning the presidency if he carries the state—and it gives Biden a 96 percent chance of winning if Pennsylvania goes blue,” writes election analyst Nathaniel Rakich.

If chaos unfolds in Pennsylvania in the days after November 3, however, save some blame for the state’s Republican-controlled legislature, which has stubbornly refused to consider a number of simple changes that could have smoothed out problems in the state’s election laws. Maybe the most important of those changes is a proposal to allow county officials to open and count mail-in ballots before Election Day—something that all but a few states allow and that could speed up the process of determining a winner.

Instead, it’s almost certain that—barring a shockingly large landslide—Pennsylvania won’t be able to declare a winner in the presidential race on election night, and probably not for days or even weeks afterward. If the state’s 20 electoral votes could swing the election, all of America might be wondering why Pennsylvania made such a mess of things.

Republicans, Democrats, the state legislature, the state Supreme Court, and Gov. Tom Wolf will all share the blame if Pennsylvania becomes this election’s Florida.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2S2rBCl
via IFTTT

On Health Care, the 2020 Presidential Race Pits Bad Ideas Against Bad Faith

sfphotosfour720542

Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death last week has thrown the presidential race into chaos. By once again placing health care policy in the foreground of the election, it has unleashed a more familiar political dynamic, in which bad ideas are pitted against bad faith. 

Following Ginsburg’s passing, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden signaled that he would respond by elevating health policy issues in the race. The Supreme Court is currently scheduled to hear a challenge to Obamacare shortly after the election; a Trump appointee to the court, the argument goes, might be more sympathetic to the challengers than a Biden nominee. The Trump administration, meanwhile, has taken the unusual step of declining to defend the law, arguing that it should be struck down in federal court. 

There’s a clear political logic to Biden’s move: Polling suggests that the single most effective issue for Democrats in the 2018 midterm election, where they overtook Republicans in the House, was health care. Democrats argued that Republicans who opposed Obamacare would eliminate the law’s regulations governing how insurance companies must treat individuals with preexisting conditions; many polls show those regulations are popular (although public support falls when the public is told about their costs). Republicans appear to have suffered at the polls accordingly, with Republican leaders admitting privately that the issue cost them seats. Biden’s plan appears to be to rerun the messaging strategy that proved most successful for Democrats in 2018. 

In doing so, however, Biden will inevitably highlight his own health care plan, which he has billed as an attempt to build on Obamacare. But Biden’s plan is better understood as an admission that the law, which Biden helped promote and pass as vice president, has not worked as promised. Biden would spend $750 billion, according to his own campaign estimates, to set up a government-run insurance plan, expanding both the law’s coverage subsidies and eligibility for them, in order to accomplish the goals the original law was supposed to accomplish on its own. 

As conservative health policy analyst Chris Jacobs notes in The Wall Street Journal, a little-noticed provision in Biden’s plan could end up providing incentives for individuals to move away from employer-sponsored coverage, substantially driving up federal spending on subsidies in the process. Jacobs estimates this effect could raise the cost of Biden’s plan to $2.2 trillion, in part by expanding subsidies for people who are already (or would otherwise be) covered by employer-sponsored insurance. Meanwhile, employers would be left providing coverage for older, sicker workers whose premiums would presumably rise; employers might also face higher taxes stemming from Obamacare’s employer coverage mandate.  

Employer-sponsored health coverage, an artifact of tax code preferences for workplace benefits, has many downsides, and should not be preserved at all cost. But Biden’s plan could upend it in a way that is both expensive to taxpayers and disruptive to current private insurance arrangements with little commensurate benefit. Like so many Democratic plans before it, it’s a kludgey technocratic misfire almost certain to result in unintended consequences

Biden’s plan to emphasize health care in the wake of Ginsburg’s death, however, will likely put pressure on Trump to explicate the details of his own health policy preferences. This may prove difficult because Trump himself has never provided any sign that his health care plan is anything other than disingenuous gobbledygook. 

That was on display last week during a town hall forum with George Stephanopolous of ABC News, during which an attendee asked Trump about his plan for health care and how he would protect individuals with existing health maladies. 

What followed was a contentious exchange in which Trump first promised that a new health care plan was coming that would protect preexisting conditions. Stephanopolous responded by noting that Trump has for over a year promised a new health care plan was coming in the space of just a few weeks, but no such plan has ever materialized; the host also noted that the Trump administration is currently backing a lawsuit to end Obamacare, including its regulations governing the sale and pricing of health coverage to people with preexisting conditions. 

Trump shot back with a garbled word salad that included the following elements: criticism of Obamacare, a claim that he effectively repealed Obamacare by repealing its individual mandate (which is not true), a claim that he ran Obamacare better than Obama (which has some merit), and criticism of Medicare for All (which his rival Joe Biden does not support). Perhaps most surprising was his insistence that, in fact, his health care plan already existed. “I have it already, and it’s a much better plan for you, and it’s a much better plan,” he said, adding shortly after: “You’re going to have new health care. And the preexisting condition aspect of it will always be in my plan.” 

The notion that Trump’s new health care plan exists already was surprising because the administration has released no such plan. Indeed, its existence was news to three Trump administration health officials last week, all of whom denied knowing about any such plan.

Perhaps others in the administration were working on it? That was what White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany suggested when pressed on the issue during a briefing. But McEnany wouldn’t provide any details about what was in the plan or who was producing it. Asked for specifics by a CNN reporter, McEnany responded curtly: “I’m not going to give you a readout of what our healthcare plan looks like and who’s working on it. If you want to know, come work here at the White House.” Less than 50 days before an election, Trump’s “much better plan” is apparently such a highly guarded secret that senior administration health officials know nothing about it, and the only way to experience its glory is to quit your job and work directly in the president’s inner circle. More plausibly, it simply doesn’t exist. 

The contrast between Trump’s baldly transparent insincerity and Biden’s insistence on poorly conceived bureaucratic workarounds will surprise few who have followed recent health care debates. That it persists may be the most normal thing about 2020.  

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/32SfX2O
via IFTTT