Donald J. Trump: The Fickle Warrior Against Endless War

For three years, President Donald Trump’s supporters have insisted that whatever his other flaws, he is at least no warmonger, unlike his more establishment alternatives in thrall of “the blob,” the foreign policy establishment whose consensus rules Washington regardless of public opinion. That was never true. But the assassination last night of Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani, commander of the elite Quds Force, has put America on the precipice of a major new conflict, proving that Trump was at best a fickle warrior against “endless war.”

Soleimani, along with other Iran-backed militia figures, was killed at Iraq’s Baghdad International Airport in a strike ordered by President Trump. There is no question that Soleimani was a bad guy. He was the head of an elite unit of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and second in command behind Iran’s leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Soleimani was also a shadow puppet master who got his minions—militia groups and regimes from Tehran to the Mediterranean—to run proxy wars against his enemies. He propped up the brutal regime of Bashar Assad in Syria to crush Iran’s Sunni enemies; he trained and funded Hezbollah in Lebanon to counter Israel; he stirred up a civil war in Yemen by backing the Houthis to make trouble for Saudi Arabia.

That doesn’t mean eliminating Soleimani so brazenly was anything but a reckless act that marks a major escalation in a war that Trump himself started when he tore up the Iran nuclear deal and imposed crippling sanctions on Iran. Those sanctions banned not just American but also foreign companies from buying oil and other Iranian exports. This threw Iran into a major recession, causing its currency to crash and inflation to soar 40 percent. The upshot has been widespread shortages of basic food, housing, and medicine —and rampant hunger and disease for the poorest, naturally, worst hit.

The Trump administration had hoped that this strategy of “maximum pressure” would prod fed-up Iranians to overthrow their rulers and put in place more moderate ones friendlier to America. In other words, Trump launched a war of “regime change,” too— except that instead of using military means as “the blob” might have favored, he opted for economic warfare.

But people who are struggling to keep body and soul together don’t usually launch revolutions—and Iran’s mullahs have crushed all domestic unrest with decisive force. The bigger problem, however, is that “maximum” economic warfare makes actual warfare inevitable. This is partly because no sitting regime can accept the ignominy of such hostility and partly because, in the absence of mutually beneficial commerce with enemies, the cost of retaliation greatly diminishes. As they say, if goods can’t cross borders, soldiers or bullets will.

That’s basically what’s been happening for the past few years.

Iran has attacked two tankers in the Persian Gulf, downed a U.S. drone, and in an act of sheer chutzpah in September, reportedly sabotaged Saudi Arabian oil facilities because that kingdom is its enemy and a U.S. ally. And then, last week, Soleimani used the pro-Iranian militia Kataib Hezbollah (KH) in Iraq to attack the U.S. base near Kirkuk—killing one American contractor and injuring several American and Iraqi troops.

Two days later, America struck back at five different sites, killing at least 25 KH members in Iraq. This generated massive anti-U.S. protests and the near-siege of the American embassy in Baghdad earlier this week. U.S. military authorities claim that Soleimani orchestrated all this. But it’s also the case that Iraqis are becoming wildly cynical about America’s continued troop presence whose primary purpose they see not as training Iraqi troops, as America claims, but using their country to retaliate against regional enemies.

Be that as it may, given the tinderbox-like situation in the region, the wise course would have been to lower the temperature by easing sanctions and offering to restart nuclear negotiations with the Iranian regime. Instead, Trump, who had been showing some signs of softening at one point, ended up doing the exact opposite.

Nor should this surprise anyone. Under Trump, America’s military footprint has expanded, not shrunk.

For starters, the number of American troops stationed abroad has barely budged— 198,000 under President Barack Obama and 194,000 under Trump. In Afghanistan, there are 8,500 more troops on his watch than under Obama’s. Meanwhile, Trump has sent more troops to prop up the murderous king of Saudi Arabia while backing out of his own much-ballyhooed withdrawal plan from Syria.

Trump has expanded the scope of drone warfare. Obama was no slouch when it came to drone bombing. However, Trump upped him, launching 238 drone strikes in his first two years compared to 186 by Obama at the same time in his term. Worse, Trump subsequently reauthorized the CIA to carry out its own drone bombings and rescinded an Obama-era rule requiring the agency to disclose all the civilian casualties it causes. This makes it much easier to attack countries that America isn’t technically at war with and much harder to track the death and destruction the U.S. is causing, all of which will only sow the seeds of a future backlash from those it is terrorizing.

Furthermore, far from delivering on his promise of reducing the fiscal burden of America’s foreign policy, Trump, who once called U.S. military spending “crazy,” has pushed it to levels that even the Pentagon didn’t think was imaginable. The defense, or rather offense, budget has gone up a whopping $140 billion on his watch.

But handing military authorities such lavish means while weakening accountability practically guarantees that they will find missions abroad to justify their largesse. At least to some extent that is what’s going on with the decision to escalate hostilities with Iran.

The only thing that’s certain right now is that Iran will not take this lying down. The mullahs have pledged to retaliate “forcefully.” The question is whether they’ll do so overtly or through Soleimani’s legacy of proxies.

It is unclear whether Trump was ever really serious about ending endless wars. But even if he was, it is not enough to merely wish for that end. He needed to also eliminate all the internal incentives that keep pushing the U.S. from one quagmire to the next. That requires patience and strategic thinking. Unfortunately, those are not Trump’s strong suits and he might have gotten America into a whole new quagmire of his own making.

This column originally appeared in The Week.

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‘Active Disinformation’ or ‘Honest Mistake’? Story Shifts on Leaked Letter Saying U.S. Will Leave Iraq

Iraq memo was a “mistake,” said top general. The Trump administration’s handling of things in Iraq and Iran continues to be an incredible mix of stunning incompetence and potentially monumental consequences. The latest involves a leaked letter about U.S. troops leaving Iraq that the Pentagon suggested was part of a propaganda campaign—only to later say it was a real draft letter but delivered to Iraqi military officials by mistake.

The Iraqi parliament voted over the weekend that the U.S. military and all foreign troops must go, saying in a resolution: “The Iraqi government must work to end the presence of any foreign troops on Iraqi soil and prohibit them from using its land, airspace or water for any reason.” The move came in response to America’s execution of Iranian general Qassem Soleimani, and “in anticipation of a reaction from the mostly pro-Iran groups which demand such a move,” said Baghdad-based analyst Tareq Harb.

On Monday, a leaked document suggested that the U.S. would withdraw its troops—about 5,000 remain in the region—in accordance with the Iraqi leadership’s wishes. The document appeared to be from the U.S. Command in Baghdad and was dated January 6.

An unsigned letter from William Seely III, commanding general of U.S. operations in Iraq, it said that “in due deference to the sovereignty of the Republic of Iraq,” the U.S.-led coalition there would “be repositioning forces over the course of the coming days and weeks to prepare for onward movement.”

The letter hadn’t just been leaked to U.S. media but delivered to Iraqi military officials, and the Iraqi prime minister’s office had done the leaking, according to Liz Sly of The Washington Post. She added that the U.S. military had “confirmed [the letter’s] authenticity.”

Not long later, the official story would change. According to Annie Dreazen in the Pentagon’s policy office, the letter wasn’t a draft but a deliberate fake, meant as “active disinformation.”

Who had created the letter was unknown, but Dreazen suggested it was a U.S. adversary.

“It’d be a big deal if the letter had been fabricated by Iran or another malign actor and humiliating if the U.S. fell for such misdirection,” writes Steve Hayes at The Dispatch.

But the story would soon shift again. When reporters asked Defense Secretary Mark Esper about the memo, he agreed that the information it contained was wrong, or at least “inconsistent of where we are right now.” But he couldn’t offer much information about its origins.

“I don’t know what that letter is. We’re trying to find out where that’s coming from, what that is,” Esper said.

Almost immediately thereafter, Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Mark Milley said the letter was not an Iranian propaganda missive at all but a real draft letter, released in error. “It was unsigned,” said Milley. The letter “implies withdrawal,” but “that is not what’s happening.”

He called the release of the letter an “honest mistake.”

What the hell just happened? No one is quite sure. Milley’s mistake narrative certainly squares with what we know about the Trump administration more generally, which is that the Keystone Cops’ most inept descendants are basically running the show. But it’s also the kind of thing folks might “admit” to if the truth were a lot like more embarrassing…

More from The Dispatch:

A mistake? Why was it transmitted to the Iraqis? The United States had given Iraqi security forces formal notice that U.S. troops would be leaving the country … by accident? Apparently so. Esper explained that drafts are circulated all the time and this one just happened to get circulated to the wrong folks. (Dreazen referred inquiries from The Dispatch to the Pentagon press shop, where officials pointed us to the public statements from Milley and Esper but otherwise declined to comment on the “active disinformation” assessment provided Capitol Hill or the broader matter.)

The bottom line, for now: the U.S. is not withdrawing troops.

So, is America now violating an Iraqi government order?

Not yet. “Parliament resolutions, unlike laws, are non-binding and the move would require new legislation to cancel the existing agreement” between Iraq and the U.S.-led coalition still present there, Al Jazeera explains.

Esper told reporters yesterday: “It is being reported as a non binding vote…So it’s nonbinding right now. Wethis has to play out. I think there’s some more action that has to happen.”


QUICK HITS

  • A powerful earthquake in Puerto Rico left much of the island without electricity.
  • Already on trial for sex crimes in New York, movie producer Harvey Weinstein was also just charged in California with four counts of rape and sexual battery.
  • Fox News host Tucker Carlson isn’t buying his colleagues’ conversion on the intelligence community:

  • Trump-cheerleading TV personality Geraldo Rivera isn’t on board with the administration’s Iran plans:

  • Federal Judge Stefan Underhill called this a “a shocking case…that calls for jury nullification.”
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City Says Man’s Giant, Semi-Ironic ‘Trump 2020’ Sign Is a Code Violation

A 15 foot tall Trump/Pence yard sign has turned extra political after a city government in Washington ordered a homeowner to lower the placard or risk the ire of code enforcement.

West Bremerton resident Kevin Chambers says the 32-square-foot Trump 2020 campaign sign in his front yard started out as a joke, having been installed by his friend as a prank while he was out of town.

“I had originally just laughed it off and decided I’d leave it up for a week or so and then take it down,” Chambers tells Reason, who described himself as “actually pretty liberal.” (He does co-host a radio show one night a week on a local AM station described by KING5 as a conservative outlet.)

But that was before he saw comments on a local Facebook group threatening to vandalize his sign. At that point, Chambers decided the sign was going to stick around for awhile longer.

“I’m not a huge supporter of [President Donald] Trump, but I’m even less of a fan of people trying to tell me what I can and can’t do in my own yard,” he said. In an interview with KING5, Chambers said he even planned to add a big Democratic campaign sign once the party picks its nominee.

Eventually, this trolling provoked a local vandal to graffiti the Trump sign. To prevent future defacement, a friend of Chambers placed the sign atop 15-foot wooden stilts.

That move might have deterred the vandals, but it attracted the ire of city code enforcers.

The week of Christmas, Chambers received a letter from the city informing him that non-commercial signs can be no taller than six feet, and that he had until January 21 to lower or get rid of the sign or face possible fines.

City planners stressed to the Kitsap Sun that their sign height limit is content-neutral and based on international signage standards. They said they do not proactively enforce the code, but are required to take action when violations are reported.

Chambers says the city’s practice of relying on citizen complaints nevertheless carries its own form of bias in the largely liberal community. Kitsap County, where West Bremerton sits, voted 50–9 in favor of Hillary Clinton in 2016. (Gary Johnson earned 6.9 percent.)

“That’s someone who saw the giant Trump sign and didn’t like it. I guarantee if this had been a Biden or a Gabbard or a Warren [or] a Sanders sign, it would have never been reported,” he says.

Chambers says that regardless of the code, his sign poses no safety risk, and that he should, therefore, be allowed to keep it. It’s his yard after all.

“Why does anyone have the right to tell anyone what they can do in the yard? I don’t think it’s the government’s room to do that, I don’t think it’s our neighbor’s room to do that,” says Chambers.

The Supreme Court ruled in 2015 that local governments cannot regulate signs based on the content of their message.

This ruling probably offers little protection to Chambers, who’s being railroaded by a content-neutral sign ordinance purportedly passed to protect public safety. Regardless of constitutional issues, freedom lovers everywhere will sympathize with his desire to keep a giant, semi-ironic political sign in his front yard only because people told him he couldn’t.

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Sex Offender Tries to Change Name to “Better Off Dead”

From In re Larson, decided last week by the Minnesota Court of Appeals:

Appellant Hollis John Larson has been indeterminately civilly committed to the Minnesota Sex Offender Program as a sexually dangerous person since 2008. He professes a religious belief involving Hinduism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Agnosticism. He is seeking to change his name to “Better Off Dead” in accordance with that religious belief and to express his freedom of speech….

Minn. Stat. Section 259.13 outlines the process by which a convicted felon can change his name…. Appellant had the burden to prove by clear and convincing evidence that the name-change request “is not based upon an intent to defraud or mislead, is made in good faith, will not cause injury to a person, and will not compromise public safety.”

Appellant testified, but cannot establish, that he did not intend to defraud or mislead and stated in his motion for a name change that “virtually every/any document created by his current captors with the name ‘Better Off Dead’ will also state ‘fka Hollis John Larson.'” Because his new and old names would be inextricably linked, appellant contends that changing his name would not compromise the public’s ability to maintain or access his records. In its objection, the county argued that granting appellant’s name change would compromise public safety because it would interfere with the state’s ability to maintain his records and retain identification information for use in future investigations or prosecutions, and it would prevent the public from having immediate access to his criminal records.

The district court found that “[c]hanging one’s name to a common expression such as ‘Better Off Dead’ has every potential to be misleading, [and] confusing,” triggering a circumstance prohibited by the statute. Moreover, the district court upheld the prosecution’s objection, which focused exclusively on public safety. We can infer from the district court’s order that it agreed that granting appellant’s name change would burden public safety, and it did not find appellant credible. We defer to the district court’s determinations of credibility. Because “Better Off Dead” is an idiom and contains no pronouns [I assume the court meant “no proper names”-EV], it is an inherently misleading name.

Moreover, we are not convinced that appellant will identify himself as both “Better Off Dead” and his current name going forward. Appellant failed to meet his burden to show by clear and convincing evidence that his name-change request is not based on an impermissible factor. We conclude that the district court did not abuse its discretion by denying the name-change request….

We review the denial of a name-change application for an abuse of discretion, but we review the distinct question of whether denying a name-change application infringes on a constitutional right de novo. See State v. Pedersen (Minn. App. 2004) (stating that we review de novo whether application of a statute is unconstitutional as applied)….

The Minnesota Supreme Court employs a heightened “compelling state interest balancing test” when determining whether a challenged law infringes on or interferes with religious practices. This test has four prongs: (1) whether the objector’s beliefs are sincerely held; (2) whether the state regulation burdens the exercise of religious beliefs; (3) whether the state interest in the regulation is overriding or compelling; and (4) whether the state regulation uses the least restrictive means…. To determine the first, second, and fourth factors, the district court must assess the sincerity and implications of appellant’s religious beliefs. To determine the third factor, the district court must make a legal determination based on the statute and caselaw. We review mixed questions of fact and law for erroneous applications of law, but give discretion to the district court’s factual findings and ultimate conclusion and review those conclusions under an abuse-of-discretion standard.

Regarding the first factor, appellant described his religion as including the belief that the only way for him to “achieve reconciliation with the divine” is to escape the cycle of birth, life, death, and rebirth by being and remaining dead. Hence, the name “Better Off Dead.” After hearing appellant’s testimony, the district court determined that “[p]etitioner failed to show that prohibiting him from changing his legal name to ‘Better Off Dead’ infringes on a constitutional right.” The court elaborated that “[t]he expression ‘Better Off Dead’ does not have a known connection to any particular religious faith or belief.” The district court’s finding was sufficiently particularized because it implies that the [four] factors weighed against appellant. {While we conclude that the district court presented sufficient findings to support its decision in this case, we encourage district courts to make detailed findings in their analysis of the [four-]factor test as opposed to relying solely on a form order.} We infer from the court’s conclusion that it did not find appellant credible and as a result did not believe he sincerely held his belief. We defer to this credibility determination. State regulation cannot burden an insincere belief, so the second factor also is not met. As a result, we need not determine the third or fourth … factors.{ Even if we were to weigh these factors, we note that the supreme court has acknowledged the state’s interest in public safety as a compelling government interest. Furthermore, the only available options for the state were to accept or deny the name-change petition, meaning that denying the petition was the least restrictive means to uphold public safety.}…

Appellant [also] described his desired name change “as an exercise of his fundamental right to free speech and freedom of expression.” He testified that the name change is “a peaceful form of protest against [the government], all these entities that caused me this pain and suffering and leading to my … philosophy in life.” Appellant elaborated that changing his name would be the best way for him to officially communicate his life philosophy to society.

The district court determined that “[appellant] failed to show that prohibiting him from changing his legal name to ‘Better Off Dead’ infringes on a constitutional right.” Implicit in this conclusion is the belief that denying the name change did not burden appellant’s freedom of speech. Appellant failed to provide specific authority regarding the free-speech right to change one’s name under these circumstances, and there appears to be none. We conclude that the district court did not improperly reject appellant’s freedom-of-speech argument and did not abuse its discretion by denying his name-change petition.

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Teaching Originalism

This spring I am fortunate to have the opportunity to teach a class at Harvard Law School on constitutional originalism. The syllabus, for those who might be interested, can be found here. It includes a fairly lengthy list of suggested readings for those who might be so inclined to explore.

Although originalism is something that I write about (e.g., this, this, and this), it is not something that I could normally justify exploring extensively in the classroom. We’ll see how it goes. There has been a tremendous outpouring of work on this topic over the past several years (some of it even by people not named Larry Solum), so it is certainly of scholarly interest. Given the conservative legal movement’s continued affection for originalism, and the Republican Party’s ability to sometimes win elections and prioritize judicial nominations, originalism has some practical significance for those who want to work on constitutional issues in contemporary American courts. Thanks, Justice Gorsuch!

It would make sense for law schools to incorporate originalism into the curriculum, and there are even some originalists around who can teach such things. The Georgetown Center for the Constitution has done an impressive job of putting together a summer boot camp on originalism for law students from across the country.

My syllabus emphasizes the theoretical debates, though there is now a sophisticated literature doing the hard work of applying originalist theory to constitutional problems as well as a growing literature on the history and politics of originalism (both get some attention for those who might be interested at the end of my syllabus). Judicial opinions don’t make the cut, however. They get enough attention as it is.

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The Costs of a Look-See Visit

Generally law professors are hired in two fashions. First, entry-level candidates are hired at the outset of their careers through the AALS Faculty Recruitment Conference (also known as the “Meat Market“). Second, professors can “lateral” from one school to another. In some cases, schools will ask a potential lateral candidate to visit for some period of time–maybe a full year, maybe a semester, maybe a few weeks. These so-called “look-sees” are designed, in theory at least, to provide the faculty with enough time to get to know the candidate, and make an informed hiring decision.

I encourage you to read an essay by Professor Tess Wilkinson-Ryan (Penn) who recounts her experience pursuing three look-see visits. Here is a snippet:

In the early winter months of 2014, pre-tenure, I got really flattering phone calls from deans at Stanford, Harvard, and NYU, respectively. I agreed to a one-semester visit at Stanford, a three-week teaching visit at Harvard, and eventually to a two-week non-teaching visit at NYU. I was not looking to move, but you never know, and in any case visiting appeared to be the coin of the realm.

My family and I moved into an Airbnb in Menlo Park in August of 2014, and I started teaching 1L Contracts at Stanford. The faculty was largely kind and forthcoming, the dean both lovely and frank. But I had a displaced three-year-old and seven-year-old in tow, not to mention their 35-year-old father, who were not getting taken out to lunch and complimented. . . .

While I was at Stanford, the hiring chair from Harvard called. He expressed his own enormous enthusiasm (thanks!) and asked if he could go out for letters before my arrival. I said sure! I went to Harvard in January, and taught a three-week winter term version of Trusts and Estates. This was only my second time teaching it, and a truly terrible decision on my part. I lectured from 9–12:30 every morning then prepped well into the evening. I FaceTimed with my sobbing preschooler each night while my husband assured me they were doing fine. I gave a job talk that was pretty good; neither the hiring chair nor the dean were present for it. I had to start teaching Contracts when I got back home, a week late into the semester and behind before I began. I was exhausted. I never heard from Harvard again. . . .

I heard from Stanford that spring. My file would not get out of committee; I did not get an offer.

By the time I went to NYU a year later I was a little more clear-eyed and organized about the process. I was mid-semester at Penn, though, and hustling to fit the two-week visit in. My job talk, on Day 3, was not great by any measure, and multiple faculty members accidentally telegraphed their Intellectual Lightweight verdict. But they were mostly quite friendly and I went to some convivial dinners. My husband and my parents took my kids on spring break to Florida. I was exhausted. I never heard from NYU again.

I have long been skeptical about the value of such semester-long visits. First, universities may not be fully transparent about whether the visit is a “look-see,” or instead is a “podium visit.” This latter approach, which is quite common, invites a professor to teach a class–literally fill a podium. With such setups, both the professor and the university share the same expectations–he or she will be invited for a semester, and after that, there is no expectation of any further engagement. But with a “look-see,” there is always the lurking fear that the invitation is motivated, at least in part, by a need to fill a podium. The candidate may not find out the truth until the end of the visit, when no offer is tendered.

Second, when a “look see” invitation is made, the candidate often does not know the committee dynamics. Perhaps one member of the committee wants the candidate, but the rest are opposed. Maybe that champion thinks the candidate can woo over the rest of the committee. Or, perhaps the committee is gung-ho about a candidate, but the majority of the faculty would never even consider the hire. There are often many variables at play–information seldom known by the candidate. These information asymmetries create a lot of risk in process.

Third, while on campus, a visiting professor has a daunting, grueling challenge. During an interview, candidates routinely have to put on their best face, make excellent impressions all around, and close the deal. But with a look-see this sort of interview can last four months. It is impossible to put on a show for that long. And at some point, a visitor may drop his or her guard, and tick off some member of the faculty. A borderline candidate is now burned.

Fourth, participating in a look-see, and not getting the job, could be embarrassing. Wilkinson-Ryan explains:

Visiting is public. Literally, visits are listed on blogs and publicized by the schools themselves. The fact that I’m still in my old job suggests to anyone who cares (hopefully that’s a real small number) that I went out for three jobs that I wanted badly enough to go way out of my way to get, and I was turned down.

If a school were to offer me a look-see (hasn’t happened yet), I would ask how many professors have visited in the last decade, and how many of those professors were given offers. If a school is unwilling to give that information, the look-see offer should be viewed skeptically.

Fifth, there is a significant cost to visiting professors with families. It is often difficult, if not impossible, to move a significant other from employment, and uproot children from school. As a result, the professor may decide to spend the semester abroad solo. That choice could mean flying home every week–not cheap. This option, however, could harm the semester-long interview. The constant travel could create the impression (however unfair) that the person simply isn’t committed to the job. For example, traveling professors could miss workshops and other meetings. Alternatively, the professor could simply spend extended periods away from family. The costs of that absence–especially compounded by a no-offer–are staggering.

Sixth, people often feel that the grass is greener on the other side. It’s usually not. Far too often professors, like everyone else, think that moving to some other school will improve their lives. That perspective is overrated. If you are happy where you are, relish that situation. Don’t chase a higher-ranked school because it might give you some more elite points. Letter-head bias is overrated. Motivated scholars can make their career at any school. Law professors have a unique opportunity to impact hundreds and thousands of students over a career. That impact can be felt at all tiers of the rankings.

The cost of a look-see visit is far too high for most candidates, with far too much uncertainty. If a University wants to hire a professors, they should be able to do so based on that person’s record, with a reasonably-timed interview.

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Writer Meghan Daum Thinks You Need To Toughen Up

“If 2018 was the year that the concept of ‘cancel culture’ went mainstream,” writes Meghan Daum near the beginning of The Problem With Everything: My Journey Through the New Culture Wars (Gallery Books), “then 2019 may be the year that cancel culture cancels itself.”

The 49-year-old essayist and novelist writes regularly on feminism, liberalism, and the weaponization of political correctness. In her new book, she contends that “by framing Trumpism as a moral emergency that required an all-hands-on-deck, no-deviation-from-the narrative approach to cultural and political thought…the left has cleared the way for a kind of purity policing—enforced and amplified by social media—that is sure to backfire.” The Problem With Everything is her clarion call to chill out and allow people to be more complicated, contradictory, and human.

In October, Daum sat down with Reason‘s Nick Gillespie to discuss generational warfare, the proper role of a writer in society, and why in the end she’s (at least a little bit) optimistic for the future of American political discourse.

Reason: Your book is a critique of fourth-wave feminism. What does that mean and what’s your beef with it?

Daum: I would describe fourth-wave feminism as something social media–based. It has to do with expressions of empowerment and solidarity in terms of memes and hashtags. I started noticing it maybe around 2014, early 2015. It coincided with the issues that were coming up around sexual assault policies on college campuses. But a lot of it was rooted in this idea that we’re going to complain a lot about men and punch up at men.

Who’s “we,” Kemosabe?

These are young women—women in their 20s, women in high school. But a lot of older women and middle-aged women are glomming on to this the way one does if you want to stay with the times. I consider myself a feminist. I have always been a feminist. I’m a liberal—[though] increasingly I’m informed that I am not. But what troubled and interested me was that I had grown up alongside second-wave feminism.

To define our terms: First-wave feminism culminated in the right to vote.

Yeah, suffragists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Second-wave feminism is the postwar stuff: Betty Friedan and The Feminine Mystique, Gloria Steinem. Third-wave feminism then gets a little bit tougher to define.

Third-wave feminism was actually coined by Rebecca Walker.

The novelist Alice Walker’s estranged daughter.

That’s right. They’d had a huge falling out over definitions of feminism. You can’t get more feminist than becoming estranged from your feminist mother.

So third-wave feminism is like Bitch magazine, it’s Alanis Morissette, it’s girl power.

It’s hard to say. I think it was Rebecca Walker herself who said, “The defining feature of third-wave feminism is that it’s impossible to define.”

What is now being called fourth-wave—and that’s not a term that gets bandied around too much—is this kind of #KillAllMen [movement launched by] the columnist Jessica Valenti, quoted a couple times throughout the book. She was the founder of Feministing, which was a feminist website. She’s actually a Gen Xer, but she’s very, very popular among younger millennial/Gen Z feminists.

In the book, you talk about an episode that exemplifies the tensions within fourth-wave feminism, when a writer at Babe came out with a story about Aziz Ansari’s date with an anonymous woman. The author of the piece made an attack on Ashleigh Banfield, a Gen X newscaster. Banfield was talking about the story on the air and said, “This is a story about a bad date.” And then the writer said, “Go fuck yourself with your bad dye job.”

And your burgundy lipstick! Just to back up on that: This was early 2018, I believe. The comedian, Aziz Ansari, had this sort of woke reputation. He would show up on the red carpet with “Time’s Up” pins [supporting an anti–sexual harassment organization]. This anonymous piece appeared on this website that nobody had ever heard of, which described a date that this woman had gone on with Aziz Ansari where she felt uncomfortable. It was not entirely clear what had gone on—it definitely did not sound like a fun time, but also not like anything that she couldn’t get out of. It didn’t ring to my ears as a particularly dangerous situation.

This as-told-to piece went viral. That was the moment the generational lines just split down the middle. The reaction from younger feminists was, “Oh my gosh, he is a terrible person. This is unacceptable. This is toxic masculinity. If you’re in a sexual situation and he makes you feel uncomfortable, then that is on the rape spectrum in some way.”

Older women were kind of like, “Whoa.” The record scratched. “We’re having serious discussions around people like Harvey Weinstein and Charlie Rose and Matt Lauer, and suddenly, you’re putting this in the same category?” That was really a flashpoint because suddenly the two generations were not understanding each other.

You started writing the book before the 2016 election, expecting Hillary Clinton to win. What was the book you would’ve written had that happened?

I was going to write a contained, discrete book. The concept was “you are not a badass.” There were these expressions in third-wave feminism, like, “Oh, you wake up every morning and face down the patriarchy. You’re so under the thumb of this oppression that just paying your rent on time and showing up to work makes you a badass. It’s so difficult to be a woman.” I just thought it was strange because, as a Gen Xer, I had grown up in the ’70s and ’80s never having any concept that I was anything but equal to boys. In fact, most girls were better than boys. They were doing better in school.

There was not a sitcom that didn’t have an episode where the girls beat the boys—The Brady Bunch, The Partridge Family, Facts of Life.

There was something about growing up in the ’70s. It was a much more androgynous period. You didn’t have the extreme girliness, the blue toy aisle and the pink toy aisle.

So you were going to write about feminism, but then it became a Gen X memoir. Talk a bit about what you’re calling attention to as somebody raised during the ’70s and ’80s. This was an era of David Bowie and Twiggy kind of being the same, or David Bowie and Patti Smith.

Patti Smith.

She was not really a tough broad, because she was female but androgynous as well.

Yeah. Even people like Chrissie Hynde [of The Pretenders]—there was just an aesthetic. Then suddenly the premise of feminism was that women were somehow weaker, or being weakened by men. Assuming that Hillary Clinton was going to be the president, I said, “OK. Let me just take a hammer to all of this. I’m going to do some sort of manifesto: Women, get your acts together. We have a woman in the White House. Let’s move on.” That didn’t happen.

And it’s not just that Clinton lost, it’s that she lost to the return of the repressor. Donald Trump is a…he’s not even like a ’50s man. He’s not a Leave It to Beaver father.

No, he’s a cartoon villain.

He’s a Harvey Weinstein.

He’s like the Frankenstein of all toxic masculinity. So I had to open up the book. Ultimately, I thought that there was something much subtler and more important going on. I wanted to talk about this ethos of social justice and how the extreme right and the extreme left were almost meeting—horseshoe theory. But it was really abstract, and hard to get a handle on. So I realized that I needed to frame the book around my own coming of age as a person, as a woman, as a feminist, and also [as someone who’s] getting older as a Gen Xer.

So you wanted to write about feminism in a world where we have a female president, and then Trump was elected. The subtitle is My Journey Through the New Culture Wars. Wokeness is one of the cruxes here. It’s partly about being sensitive to everybody’s identities and issues. But you seem to be framing it as: Gen X, and maybe even boomers, were tough, while millennials and Gen Z are really sensitive.

One of my working theories in the book is that Gen Xers really grew up fetishizing toughness. Our parents went to work, we were latchkey kids, and there was a real pride in making it on your own and taking care of yourself. There was something almost exciting if you broke your arm and went to school in a cast. As we grew older, the sort of ’90s Gen X reputation was about aloofness, irony, and detachment.

I wonder if millennials and Gen Z have a similar way of fetishizing fairness. They have grown up with all sorts of messages about inclusivity, and if equality of opportunity should necessarily equal equality of outcome. Those are good ideas, the same way that being tough is a good thing. But maybe we have too much of each.

You’ve taught at a number of universities, and in the book you talk about conversations with your students. One example is when you have them discuss [the musical] Rent, and then you show them the Team America parody of Rent, done by the South Park guys.

I was a visiting professor in this program at the University of Iowa, so I could not get fired, and there was no point in anyone reporting me to the dean. I was teaching a cultural criticism seminar. And it became frustrating, because I couldn’t get through a lot of the material. We would read cultural pieces that seemed anodyne to me—a Mary Gaitskill piece from Harper’s from the ’90s, and they would think, “There’s too much internalized misogyny here.” We’d read Christopher Hitchens, and they would have to go to the hospital, practically.

But I taught them an essay by the late David Rakoff, who was a brilliant writer. And he has this wonderful essay about the musical Rent. It was such a huge hit in the mid-’90s. It was the woke art piece of its time.

The woke version of La Bohème. Right?

Well, also, it was about AIDS.

Basically, by the end of the show, every character is infected with HIV—even people who’d never had sex, or people’s dogs, or whatever. It was really emblematic of its time, because the public health message around HIV was alarmism. We had to have that in order to get anything done. So I had them look at this essay, and then I had them watch a clip from Rent itself, which really does not hold up very well. They were horrified by the schmaltziness of it. And then in the film Team America: World Police, which is one of these scatological marionette movies done by the South Park [creators], there’s a scene where they have to recruit somebody to join this police force of saving the world. One of the people they have to recruit is this actor who is performing in a production of, it’s called Lease. So there’s this whole big [musical] number called “Everybody Has AIDS.” And it’s just this totally irreverent send-up of the message around the AIDS crisis.

I, as their 47-year-old professor, played this for them. I really think it’s one of the funniest things in existence. I was practically falling out of my chair, practically peeing in my pants. And they just looked at me in utter horror. And I really had to ask myself, “What am I doing this for? Why do I even care? Why do I need to shove this down their throats? Why am I so obsessed with this generational divide and humor and irony? What does it matter if they think this is funny or not?”

If older people fetishize toughness and younger people fetishize wokeness, we need to meet somewhere in the middle, because each has its virtues.

In the book you talk about how during the ’70s and ’80s, women started [joining the workforce] in administrative and management and supervisory roles, in more or less equal positions to men. Suddenly, there was a moment when as a nation we had ongoing moral and social panics over abducted children. So right at a moment when women are being liberated from the kitchen—

Middle-class and upper-middle-class women, by the way, because poor women had always worked.

But then suddenly, every time we’re eating breakfast cereal, we’re seeing milk boxes with missing kids. What was going on there?

I just don’t think it’s any accident that this happened right when you had all these mothers going to work. You’re swept up in the ’80s, and all the women were putting their Nike running shoes on with their power suits. But then this sort of cross-current came in, saying, “Well, not so fast. You can’t leave your kids. They’re not safe. You need to go back into the home.”

You’ve got to be playing Mozart to them in the womb and enriching their cribs with scientifically designed mobiles that will make them super geniuses.

And we have [the rise of] 24-hour news. It’s not like crime has increased; it’s actually gone down. But we’re seeing every single thing that happens, and with social media that’s exponentially worse. You would think there’s a police shooting every five seconds on every block of every city. There became an obsession with safety.

Another thing—I entertained this in a half-baked way, and I think there might really be something here—is when you started being able to tell the sex of the baby in utero, I wonder if that set up a gender binary that became more pronounced than it was before. Babies are brought home to nurseries that have been decorated for boys or girls and parents have unconsciously set up a whole narrative around the child. I wonder if that created extreme gender roles that we just didn’t have to deal with in the ’70s. And that has perhaps caused the backlash that we’re seeing around gender.

The coddling of kids who then are less resilient, and who take every real and perceived slight as a massive wound against their identity—in a way that [goes against what] we were taught in the ’70s and ’80s, which was like, “Rub some dirt on it, spit on it, and walk it off.” Where do you see this all heading?

Well, the short answer is if everybody gets canceled, we can just hit “reset” and start over again. So in a way, I want cancel culture to go on a little bit longer so we can all be canceled. Beyond that, I think people are craving complexity. We’re in this moment where we think in memes, we talk in tweets. If you try to make a complicated point, not only is that discouraged but you can also get penalized. If you try to say something like, “Yes, there is a gender wage gap. Let’s look at why it might be. Is it because women make certain choices? Why do they make those choices?” People would slap me down as a victim blamer, an internalized misogynist, part of the problem.

On the one hand, we have things like Twitter and meme culture. There’s that move toward absolute radical simplicity, where if it doesn’t fit on a single panel, forget it. On the other hand, we increasingly see this move toward really long-form [multimedia] journalism. You think of YouTube shows or podcasts that go on for hours—Joe Rogan can have a million people watching or listening to a three-hour podcast. It’s a very bizarre world, where the contrasts seem to be extremely stark and growing in many ways.

It’s telling that podcasts are so popular. That, increasingly, is the space where you can listen in on private conversations. The most interesting conversations are being held in private, because it’s so risky to have them in a public space. So the closest we have are these podcast discussions.

I got hooked on them. A huge part of the book talks about after I got divorced—my husband had really been the person that I talked to about everything. The Problem With Everything refers to the ongoing conversation that we had. He was my intellectual ally. And when I lost that, I turned to podcasts and YouTube conversations.

You wrote in August 2018 about your flirtation with what has become known as the “Intellectual Dark Web” (IDW).

Yeah. So the piece was called “Nuance: A Love Story.” I hadn’t planned on publishing this as a piece, but suddenly, everybody was talking about the IDW. And I said, “Hey, wait a sec. I knew this band before anybody else knew them.”

Which is a very Gen X thing to do. You were bored with them by the time the IDW had signed with a major label.

I hated them before they had a second single. It’s a very long piece, and it’s really about how I had had this intellectual allyship with my husband. He’s also a journalist. We were very amicably divorced. But in my new sort of singleness, in my new kind of aloneness, I became really drawn in to people having nuanced conversations on podcasts and online. At this time, there was an increasing gulf between what I thought—what I actually thought—and what I thought I was supposed to think, when wokeness was emerging and when Trump won the election. A lot of my friends, people I had considered very close who very much aligned with me politically, we started to have some differences that I found surprising and troubling. I started to feel very distanced from them. Loneliness is a lot of what animates this book as well—aging and loneliness.

You say we’re all really lonely in a way that we may not have been before. There’s sociological data to suggest that we interact less with other people than we might have 20 or 30 years ago. Then you also say—again, this is that contrast—that we know too much about what’s going on in each other’s lives, because there’s not even a confessional dimension but an exhibitionist dimension to social media and the way we live now.

We can get completely caught up in ideas about school shootings or climate change—I don’t want to say hysteria, because that sounds diminishing. But there is a sense that we are in a 24-hour emergency. We’re in a crisis. If you go on Facebook, people are saying, “Oh, my gosh. I’m having to take antidepressants. I have anxiety. I’m afraid to send my daughter to college because one in four women are raped. The world is going to end in 10 years because of climate change. I’m not going to use any more straws.” There’s a reward system for carrying on like that, so I see why people do it. They’re lonely, so they say it, and other people will echo it. But that just creates a default setting of alarmism that doesn’t line up with reality.

There doesn’t seem to be as much space for interior thought. Everything is immediate. Everything is public. How do we regain a sense of perspective on urgent (or maybe not-so-urgent) political or external threats? How do we regain a sense of identity rooted in something other than panic?

I think we have to just allow ourselves to be conflicted. That’s at the root of this. I always say if you’re not conflicted, you’re either lying or you’re not very smart. When I was a columnist for years, this was my approach: I’m not trying to convince you to come over to my side. I’m inviting the reader to think alongside me as I try to sort things through. So in this book, I’m self-scrutinizing. It’s a self-examination. It’s not a polemic.

To answer your question, what’s missing is a willingness to sit in your own confusion because it’s uncomfortable. That’s not rewarded, frankly. And I think, again, the role of the writer is to say things that might confuse readers and upset them and [provoke them to] send you hate mail. That’s actually the job. What I find astonishing is the amount of people in media who have just decided that they’re going to say the obvious, that they’re going to make a career out of identifying their audience and giving the audience what that audience expects again and again and again.

People will say things to me in private like, “Oh, well, what I really think is this. It’s not quite as simple as what I write, or [what I put on] social media, or whatever. But I would never want to say that.” Then why are you in the job? What are we doing here?

To me, what’s satisfying about being a writer is being able to say the thing that a lot of people are thinking but are afraid to say, or can’t articulate. Otherwise, what’s the point? I would much rather be in a band or something.

This interview has been condensed and edited for style and clarity. You can listen to the full conversation, and don’t forget to subscribe to The Reason Interview With Nick Gillespie.

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Brickbat: Drop That Deer

Don’t go scraping that opossum up from the middle of the road just yet, not if you live in California. Under state law, anyone caught taking roadkill faces up to six months in jail and a $1,000 fine. But some officials say they are concerned people may be misinterpreting a new law that took effect Jan. 3. That law calls on the Fish and Game Commission to set up a pilot program by 2022 that would allow people to take roadkill. Until that program is in place, it remains illegal to harvest dead animals from the road.

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Sen. Hawley and other GOP Senators introduce resolution that would allow dismissal of approved-but-not-transmitted Articles of Impeachments

The Senate’s impeachment rules were adopted in 1986. Rule 1 provides that impeachment process begins in the Senate “[w]hensoever the Senate shall receive notice from the House of Representatives that managers are appointed on their part to conduct an impeachment against any person and are directed to carry articles of impeachment to the Senate.” At that point “the Secretary of the Senate shall immediately inform the House of Representatives that the Senate is ready to receive the managers for the purpose of exhibiting such articles of impeachment, agreeably to such notice.”

Under the current rules, the presentation of the articles by the managers triggers the commencement of the Senate trial. If the House does not transmit the articles, the Senate trial cannot begin.

Last month I considered several hypothetical rule changes. One of them would have allowed the Senate to dismiss approved-but-not-yet-transmitted articles of impeachment.

if the House of Representatives approves an article of impeachment, but fails to transmit that article within thirty days, the Senate shall treat the article as dismissed for lack of prosecution, and the impeached official shall be deemed acquitted.

This rule was premised on Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 48(b):

The court may dismiss an indictment, information, or complaint if unnecessary delay occurs in:

(1) presenting a charge to a grand jury;

(2) filing an information against a defendant; or

(3) bringing a defendant to trial.

I thought such a rule could pass constitutional muster:

Unlike my first proposal, this second proposal does not purport to define what is and is not an impeachment. Rather, it simply deems the person charged with the offense as acquitted–a power within the Senate’s prerogative. The House can dither and take as much time as it wants, but it cannot demand a trial at the time of its choosing. If the House waits too long, it will miss its chance of having a trial at all. I used thirty days as an example, but different time limits may be appropriate. The Senate could reasonably conclude that it does not want a cloud to hang over the accused indefinitely–especially if the President has been impeached–and the House should be pay the price for failing to transmit the articles within a reasonable time.

Senator Hawley, joined by ten other GOP Senators, has introduced a resolution to change Rule 1 along the lines I proposed. Rule 1 would now contain this additional clause:

If, following adoption of such articles, the House of Representatives does not so notify the Senate or otherwise provide for such articles to be exhibited to the Senate within 25 calendar days from the date of adoption of such articles, as recorded in the Journal of the House of Representatives, such articles shall be deemed exhibited before the Senate and it shall be in order for any Senator to offer a motion to dismiss such articles with prejudice for failure by the House of Representatives to prosecute such articles. Such motion shall be adopted by an affirmative vote of a majority of the Senators, duly chosen and sworn, without debate by the yeas and nays, which shall be entered on the record.

And I think Hawley’s proposal would also be constitutional.

 

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