Rebel Yells, But You’re Likely to Yawn in Response


rebel_1161x653
  • Rebel. ABC. Thursday, April 8, 10 p.m.
  • Home Economics. ABC. Wednesday, April 7, 8:30 p.m.

Disney holds monthly search-and-destroy meetings to root out the apparently endless amount of racist material in its old movies. If only the company could make a fraction of that effort to eliminate the brain-dead drivel in its captive ABC network, TV critics could all whistle while we worked instead of putting lit cigarettes out in our eyes, which I’m sure will take a major uptick in the CDC statistics after this week’s screeners get around.

Not since the U.S. Army Air Force and the RAF last visited Dresden have two such fearsome bombs exploded at the same time as ABC’s Rebel and Home Economics, and there aren’t even any Nazis around to blame it on.

Like Dresden, Rebel has an awesome mortality rate, the most tragic fatality being the career of Katey Sagal. Sagal is an astonishingly versatile actress, hopping between eccentric dramatic roles—a homicidal motorcycle hoochie in Sons of Anarchy, a 14th-century Welsh witch in The Bastard Executioner—with astounding power. And she started it all by brilliantly reworking (or maybe bitch-slapping) the smiley-faced June Cleaver/Harriet Nelson suburban housewife archetype with her gloriously deviant portrayal of the slothful (“the laziest bitch in Chicago,” as she bragged in one episode) and promiscuous Peggy Bundy in the sitcom lampoon Married…With Children.

But in Rebel, Sagal is trying to animate a character whose bellicosity and smug populism obliterate everything around her, including plot, characterization, and credibility. That’s Rebel Bello, a political activist disguised as a paralegal, who litigates not with evidence and witnesses but by unleashing mobs on the country clubs of defendants. (“She’s not a lawyer, she’s just loud,” observes another character with deadly accuracy.)

She’s fond of saying—well, shrieking—things like “I keep hoping one day I’ll wake up and the world will have saved itself!” and “I bring the CEOs of multinational corporations to their knees!” This apparently keeps the class-action plaintiffs rolling in, though it’s a little rough on Rebel’s husbands—three and counting. By the way, saving the world apparently pays pretty well: One of Rebel’s regular complaints is how her ex-husbands wind up with all her money. You’d think the Savior of the World and Slayer of Multinational CEOs could find a decent divorce lawyer. But she’s too busy drumming up class-action business for that.  At the moment, she’s seeking victims of a sleazy manufacturer’s defective heart valves, which bring on death in outlandishly lurid and jury-pleasing ways.

If the concept of a belligerently trashy blue-collar paralegal substituting emotion for evidence as she attacks a purportedly murderous corporation sounds familiar, keep an eye out as Rebel‘s credits roll for an amazing coincidence: Erin Brockovich as executive producer! If you change those heart valves for contaminated water, Rebel‘s plot is a virtual clone of the 2000 film about the real-life paralegal Brockovich. That one at least had an engaging story, even if it was almost entirely fictionRebel is merely a boorish bore.

Home Economics is also from a familiar genre, that of the dysfunctional family forced back together by hard economic times. This has produced some pretty good sitcoms, though not a one of them has survived more than a single season.  Audiences who are working in miserable pinch-penny circumstances seem not to enjoy seeing it on TV at home, too.

That won’t be a problem for Home Economics, which fails entirely on its own demerits. It’s about three siblings—one boundlessly rich (he just bought Matt Damon’s house), one grindingly poor (she can’t afford Damon’s movie tickets, much less his home) and one going down fast (his last novel sold five copies, one of them to the rich brother).  No worry—they’re all brought together by mutual peevishness, spite and jealousy. After extensive and determinedly unfunny airing of grievances, they conclude that, as the rich brother declares, that “we’re all screwed up.” And, he adds: “What a relief!” Speak for yourself, buddy.

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Matt Gaetz Story Shifts From Child Sex Trafficking to Consorting With Sugar Babies


krtillustrationslive013369

In short order, the scandal surrounding Rep. Matt Gaetz (R–Fla.) has gone from alleged child sex trafficking!!! to maybe he took MDMA and paid some adult women for sex. We still don’t know all the details, and Gaetz may well turn out to have broken federal law. But it’s telling that the focus of the story is already turning from sex trafficking of a minor to what looks, based on the details so far, like consensual activity among adults.

The New York Times originally broke the story of a possible Department of Justice (DOJ) probe into Gaetz by labeling it a “sex trafficking” investigation involving a 17-year-old girl whom the congressman allegedly had sex with and paid to travel with him. The Tuesday report quickly stirred up a journalism and social media frenzy in which Gaetz was roundly condemned as a sick sexual predator.

That may still be the case…but the latest report takes the story in a different direction. In a Thursday Times article on the DOJ probe, Gaetz’s alleged relationship with a teen—a charge he denies—has been reduced to a much more minor and speculative role. Like the initial Times story, the new report is filtered through anonymous “people close to the investigation” without official statements or documents.

Whereas the first Times story made allegations involving a 17-year-old seem like the emphasis of the DOJ inquiry, the paper now says that officials are merely looking into the possibility of such a relationship existing, as part of prosecuting another Florida politician, ex-GOP official Joel Greenberg, for multiple crimes including alleged misconduct with the girl.

The bulk of the Times‘ new allegations against Gaetz involve sexual activity with consenting adults—activity that the paper now suggests is the real focus of the DOJ inquiry. Prosecutors are “focusing on [Gaetz and Greenberg’s] involvement with multiple women who were recruited online for sex and received cash payments,” the Times says. At the heart of this new narrative is a claim that Gaetz and Greenberg partied with women they met on sugar baby websites.

“Sugar” relationships—often involving wealthier men giving gifts to and/or subsidizing the lifestyles of pretty younger women in exchange for no-strings-attached relationships—and the websites that facilitate these arrangements are not strictly illegal. Like many escort businesses (and informal arrangements for time immemorial), they tend to be framed as “spoiling” and “support” in exchange for “companionship.” In reality, sugar relationships tend to run the gamut, from deep connections that span realms to much more transactional exchanges of cash (or luxury items, or travel costs, etc.) in exchange for sexual trysts.

There’s a long-standing debate over whether sugar babies are sex workers, and whether such relationships count as prostitution. But the only reason the distinction seems to matter is that it makes some parties involved feel better about themselves to pretend like there’s a big difference and—more importantly—can mean the difference between the relationships being criminal or not. (The whole thing really showcases the silly and arbitrary nature of U.S. laws criminalizing sex work…)

In any event, Gaetz—who has denied ever paying for sex—is now accused by the Times of giving money to women with whom he may have done drugs and/or had sex.

The Times has reviewed receipts from Cash App, a mobile payments app, and Apple Pay that show payments from Mr. Gaetz and Mr. Greenberg to one of the women, and a payment from Mr. Greenberg to a second woman. The women told their friends that the payments were for sex with the two men, according to two people familiar with the conversations.

In encounters during 2019 and 2020, Mr. Gaetz and Mr. Greenberg instructed the women to meet at certain times and places, often at hotels around Florida, and would tell them the amount of money they were willing to pay, according to the messages and interviews.

One person said that the men also paid in cash, sometimes withdrawn from a hotel ATM.

Some of the men and women took ecstasy, an illegal mood-altering drug, before having sex, including Mr. Gaetz, two people familiar with the encounters said.

The identities of the people feeding the Times these stories seem like a pretty crucial factor in judging their veracity. If others in this story were caught possessing or selling drugs or engaging in prostitution, they would be on the hook for criminal charges themselves and may have an incentive to exaggerate the role of others in exchange for more lenient treatment.

For now, with the information we have, it seems possible that Gaetz and company were purchasing sex and/or drugs from the women, and also possible that there’s an alternate explanation for all of this.

None of this should be construed as a defense of Gaetz per se, but it is a defense of due process, not rushing to judgment, and not taking mere investigations into misconduct (or prosecutor tales about them) as absolute truths. Unfortunately, that’s a very unpopular position online and in the media.

Even as the narrative around Gaetz morphs into run-of-the-mill-scandal territory, a lot of people (including some folks who purport to be against the drug war and for the bodily autonomy of adult women) are divulging details of his alleged activities with the same level of disgust, urgency, and moral outrage they did over allegations involving minors. It seems that in their glee at having ammunition against Gaetz—a Trump stan and highly visible rising Republican politician—way too many liberals are willing to infantilize adult women and portray drug use and consensual relationships with sex workers as deviant and beyond the pale.

A slew of other rumors about Gaetz’s allegedly unsavory (but not necessarily criminal) behavior and sexual antics have also been making the media and social media rounds.

Meanwhile, the Times is still trying hard to work this story into a sex trafficking framework. While reporting that the FBI stopped questioning the women involved back in January, acknowledging that “no charges have been brought against Mr. Gaetz,” and failing to raise any information suggesting that the women involved were forced or coerced, the paper still adds this:

It is not illegal to provide adults with free hotel stays, meals and other gifts, but if prosecutors think they can prove that the payments to the women were for sex, they could accuse Mr. Gaetz of trafficking the women under “force, fraud or coercion.” For example, prosecutors have filed trafficking charges against people suspected of providing drugs in exchange for sex because feeding another person’s drug habit could be seen as a form of coercion.

It’s yet another attempt to negate adult women’s agency in service of redefining all sex work as “sex trafficking” and give federal police more domain over the private sex lives of consenting adults.

Over the past decade or so, the funding, political enthusiasm, and public appetite for “stopping sex trafficking” has outpaced the actual supply of such crimes, leading the feds to increasingly test and expand the parameters of what they can get away with in policing under this rubric.

Prostitution itself is not a federal crime, so if the FBI wants to stay involved in the Gaetz case, they have a vested interest in trying to define this as involving force, fraud, or coercion. In order for a federal sex trafficking charge to exist, commercial sex must be accompanied by either one of these elements or the presence of someone under age 18.

If no force, fraud, coercion, or minors were involved but Gaetz or Greenberg did pay for sex workers to cross state lines, they could be looking at federal charges under part one of the Mann Act. This is a law frequently used to harass sex workers and their associates and justify FBI surveillance and stings against them—not something to be cheered on just because its target may be someone you don’t like.

Gaetz has said that he is aware of the DOJ looking into him but that he is not the target of an investigation, merely a potential witness regarding the alleged activities of Greenberg (who goes on trial for one count of sex trafficking and a wide array of non-sex-related charges this June).


FREE MINDS 

New Mexico is on track to be the latest state to legalize recreational marijuana. From CNN:

Two related pieces of legislation—one which legalizes recreational cannabis for adults 21 and older in New Mexico and the second which expunges arrest and conviction records for some cannabis offenses—are heading to the governor’s desk after gaining lawmakers’ approval.

While much better than the current situation, the legalization bill still criminalizes carrying more than an approved amount of the drug, by setting “limits on how much cannabis, cannabis extract or edibles a person can buy or have outside their home at a time.”


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QUICK HITS

  • The Biden administration won’t stop lying about Georgia’s voting bill:

  • Yikes—Vermont is now issuing COVID-19 vaccinations based on race:

• How would abortion access in the U.S. change if Roe v. Wade were overturnedReason‘s Jacob Sullum explains.

• The Supreme Court upheld a Federal Communications Commission ruling regarding media ownership that (among other things) “included scrapping a rule that had barred a single company from owning a radio or TV station along with a newspaper in a single local market,” reports The Hill.

• Nick Gillespie talks to Bridget Phetasy:

• Ending civil asset forfeiture should be a bipartisan project.

• The European Union “is poised to ban ‘terrorist content’ or, more accurately, anything it tags with that label,” writes J.D. Tuccille. “The end result will be to drive some information underground and to imperil online freedom of expression.”

• In case you missed last week’s congressional hearing:

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Matt Gaetz Story Shifts From Child Sex Trafficking to Consorting With Sugar Babies


krtillustrationslive013369

In short order, the scandal surrounding Rep. Matt Gaetz (R–Fla.) has gone from alleged child sex trafficking!!! to maybe he took MDMA and paid some adult women for sex. We still don’t know all the details, and Gaetz may well turn out to have broken federal law. But it’s telling that the focus of the story is already turning from sex trafficking of a minor to what looks, based on the details so far, like consensual activity among adults.

The New York Times originally broke the story of a possible Department of Justice (DOJ) probe into Gaetz by labeling it a “sex trafficking” investigation involving a 17-year-old girl whom the congressman allegedly had sex with and paid to travel with him. The Tuesday report quickly stirred up a journalism and social media frenzy in which Gaetz was roundly condemned as a sick sexual predator.

That may still be the case…but the latest report takes the story in a different direction. In a Thursday Times article on the DOJ probe, Gaetz’s alleged relationship with a teen—a charge he denies—has been reduced to a much more minor and speculative role. Like the initial Times story, the new report is filtered through anonymous “people close to the investigation” without official statements or documents.

Whereas the first Times story made allegations involving a 17-year-old seem like the emphasis of the DOJ inquiry, the paper now says that officials are merely looking into the possibility of such a relationship existing, as part of prosecuting another Florida politician, ex-GOP official Joel Greenberg, for multiple crimes including alleged misconduct with the girl.

The bulk of the Times‘ new allegations against Gaetz involve sexual activity with consenting adults—activity that the paper now suggests is the real focus of the DOJ inquiry. Prosecutors are “focusing on [Gaetz and Greenberg’s] involvement with multiple women who were recruited online for sex and received cash payments,” the Times says. At the heart of this new narrative is a claim that Gaetz and Greenberg partied with women they met on sugar baby websites.

“Sugar” relationships—often involving wealthier men giving gifts to and/or subsidizing the lifestyles of pretty younger women in exchange for no-strings-attached relationships—and the websites that facilitate these arrangements are not strictly illegal. Like many escort businesses (and informal arrangements for time immemorial), they tend to be framed as “spoiling” and “support” in exchange for “companionship.” In reality, sugar relationships tend to run the gamut, from deep connections that span realms to much more transactional exchanges of cash (or luxury items, or travel costs, etc.) in exchange for sexual trysts.

There’s a long-standing debate over whether sugar babies are sex workers, and whether such relationships count as prostitution. But the only reason the distinction seems to matter is that it makes some parties involved feel better about themselves to pretend like there’s a big difference and—more importantly—can mean the difference between the relationships being criminal or not. (The whole thing really showcases the silly and arbitrary nature of U.S. laws criminalizing sex work…)

In any event, Gaetz—who has denied ever paying for sex—is now accused by the Times of giving money to women with whom he may have done drugs and/or had sex.

The Times has reviewed receipts from Cash App, a mobile payments app, and Apple Pay that show payments from Mr. Gaetz and Mr. Greenberg to one of the women, and a payment from Mr. Greenberg to a second woman. The women told their friends that the payments were for sex with the two men, according to two people familiar with the conversations.

In encounters during 2019 and 2020, Mr. Gaetz and Mr. Greenberg instructed the women to meet at certain times and places, often at hotels around Florida, and would tell them the amount of money they were willing to pay, according to the messages and interviews.

One person said that the men also paid in cash, sometimes withdrawn from a hotel ATM.

Some of the men and women took ecstasy, an illegal mood-altering drug, before having sex, including Mr. Gaetz, two people familiar with the encounters said.

The identities of the people feeding the Times these stories seem like a pretty crucial factor in judging their veracity. If others in this story were caught possessing or selling drugs or engaging in prostitution, they would be on the hook for criminal charges themselves and may have an incentive to exaggerate the role of others in exchange for more lenient treatment.

For now, with the information we have, it seems possible that Gaetz and company were purchasing sex and/or drugs from the women, and also possible that there’s an alternate explanation for all of this.

None of this should be construed as a defense of Gaetz per se, but it is a defense of due process, not rushing to judgment, and not taking mere investigations into misconduct (or prosecutor tales about that) as absolute truths. Unfortunately, that’s a very unpopular position online and in the media.

Even as the narrative around Gaetz morphs into run-of-the-mill-scandal territory, a lot of people (including some folks who purport to be against the drug war and for the bodily autonomy of adult women) are divulging details of his alleged activities with the same level of disgust, urgency, and moral outrage they did over allegations involving minors. It seems that in their glee at having ammunition against Gaetz—a Trump stan and highly visible rising Republican politician—way too many liberals are willing to infantilize adult women and portray drug use and consensual relationships with sex workers as deviant and beyond the pale.

A slew of other rumors about Gaetz’s allegedly unsavory (but not necessarily criminal) behavior and sexual antics have also been making the media and social media rounds.

Meanwhile, the Times is still trying hard to work this story into a sex trafficking framework. While reporting that the FBI stopped questioning the women involved back in January, acknowledging that “no charges have been brought against Mr. Gaetz,” and failing to raise any information suggesting that the women involved were forced or coerced, the paper still adds this:

It is not illegal to provide adults with free hotel stays, meals and other gifts, but if prosecutors think they can prove that the payments to the women were for sex, they could accuse Mr. Gaetz of trafficking the women under “force, fraud or coercion.” For example, prosecutors have filed trafficking charges against people suspected of providing drugs in exchange for sex because feeding another person’s drug habit could be seen as a form of coercion.

It’s yet another attempt to negate adult women’s agency in service of redefining all sex work as “sex trafficking” and give federal police more domain over the private sex lives of consenting adults.

Over the past decade or so, the funding, political enthusiasm, and public appetite for “stopping sex trafficking” has outpaced the actual supply of such crimes, leading the feds to increasingly test and expand the parameters of what they can get away with in policing under this rubric.

Prostitution itself is not a federal crime, so if the FBI wants to stay involved in the Gaetz case, they have a vested interest in trying to define this as involving force, fraud, or coercion. In order for a federal sex trafficking charge to exist, commercial sex must be accompanied by either one of these elements or the presence of someone under age 18.

If no force, fraud, coercion, or minors were involved but Gaetz or Greenberg did pay for sex workers to cross state lines, they could be looking at federal charges under part one of the Mann Act. This is a law frequently used to harass sex workers and their associates and justify FBI surveillance and stings against them—not something to be cheered on just because its target may be someone you don’t like.

Gaetz has said that he is aware of the DOJ looking into him but that he is not the target of an investigation, merely a potential witness regarding the alleged activities of Greenberg (who goes on trial for one count of sex trafficking and a wide array of non-sex-related charges this June).


FREE MINDS 

New Mexico is on track to be the latest state to legalize recreational marijuana. From CNN:

Two related pieces of legislation—one which legalizes recreational cannabis for adults 21 and older in New Mexico and the second which expunges arrest and conviction records for some cannabis offenses—are heading to the governor’s desk after gaining lawmakers’ approval.

While much better than the current situation, the legalization bill still criminalizes carrying more than an approved amount of the drug, by setting “limits on how much cannabis, cannabis extract or edibles a person can buy or have outside their home at a time.”


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  • The Biden administration won’t stop lying about Georgia’s voting bill:

  • Yikes—Vermont is now issuing COVID-19 vaccinations based on race:

• How would abortion access in the U.S. change if Roe v. Wade were overturnedReason‘s Jacob Sullum explains.

• The Supreme Court upheld a Federal Communications Commission ruling regarding media ownership that (among other things) “included scrapping a rule that had barred a single company from owning a radio or TV station along with a newspaper in a single local market,” reports The Hill.

• Nick Gillespie talks to Bridget Phetasy:

• Ending civil asset forfeiture should be a bipartisan project.

• The European Union “is poised to ban ‘terrorist content’ or, more accurately, anything it tags with that label,” writes J.D. Tuccille. “The end result will be to drive some information underground and to imperil online freedom of expression.”

• In case you missed last week’s congressional hearing:

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The Top 12 Respondent Teams in The 2020 Harlan Institute-Ashbrook Virtual Supreme Court

In October, the Harlan Institute and Ashbrook announced the Eighth Annual Virtual Supreme Court Competition. This competition offers teams of two high school students the opportunity to research cutting-edge constitutional law, write persuasive appellate briefs, argue against other students through video chats, and try to persuade a panel of esteemed attorneys during oral argument that their side is correct. This year the competition focuses on Torres v. Madrid.

We are proud to announce the top 12 respondent teams that will advance to the next round. Here are their preliminary oral argument videos, and their briefs. We announced the top 12 petitioner teams here.

Team 7476

  • School: Pine Crest School
  • Students: Pedro Ribeiro and Yuvraj Tuli
  • Location: Fort Lauderdale, Florida
  • Respondent Brief

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ihuBNEAQIvA

Team 7810

  • School: Eastside Catholic High School
  • Students: Sam Niehl and Ruoya Huang
  • Location: Sammamish, Washington
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7852

  • School: Frisco CTE Center
  • Students: Anita Ashok and Kashish Bastola
  • Location: Frisco, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7856

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Abby Park and Shemaiah DeJorge
  • Location: Carrollton, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7860

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Brian Kang and Angela Nguyen
  • Location: Carrollton, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7875

  • School: BASIS Peoria
  • Students: Pranav Saravanan and Siddhant Urunkar
  • Location: Peoria, Arizona
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7890

  • School: Syosset High School
  • Students: Rachel Lin and Kelly Kim
  • Location: Syosset, New York
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7976

  • School: Joel Barlow High School
  • Students: Catherine Gutowski and Leighton Schur
  • Location: Redding, Connecticut
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7988

  • School: Greenwich High School
  • Students: Steven Blank and Benjamin Shi
  • Location: Greenwich, Connecticut
  • Respondent Brief

Team 8007

  • School: West Windsor-Plainsboro High School North
  • Students: Akshat Agarwal and Jonathan Hu
  • Location: Plainsboro Township, New Jersey
  • Respondent Brief

Team 8022

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Avery Rose and Brooke Sanchez
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 8023

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Semira Morgan and Katelayn Vault
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

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The Top 12 Petitioner Teams in The 2020 Harlan Institute-Ashbrook Virtual Supreme Court

In October, the Harlan Institute and Ashbrook announced the Eighth Annual Virtual Supreme Court Competition. This competition offers teams of two high school students the opportunity to research cutting-edge constitutional law, write persuasive appellate briefs, argue against other students through video chats, and try to persuade a panel of esteemed attorneys during oral argument that their side is correct. This year the competition focuses on Torres v. Madrid.

We are proud to announce the top 12 petitioner teams that will advance to the next round. Here are their preliminary oral argument videos, and their briefs. We will announce the top 12 respondent teams in another post.

Team 7847

  • School: The Founders Academy
  • Students: Francesca Vesey and James Inamorati
  • Location: Manchester, New Hampshire
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7855

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Jaqueline Aleman and Daniel Sawyers
  • Location: Carrolton, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7857

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Brandon Fantine and Elizaveta Frolova
  • Location: Carrolton, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7859

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Makaylia Askew and Elizabeth Adeoye
  • Location: Carrolton, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7872

  • School: BASIS Peoria
  • Students: Senou Kounouho and Ayaan Siddiqui
  • Location: Peoria, Arizona
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7881

  • School: Paradise Honors High School
  • Students: Cameron Rose and Nathan Spalding
  • Location: Surprise, Arizona
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7889

  • School: The Baldwin School
  • Students: Wynne Conger and Grace Halak
  • Location: Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7974

  • School: Homeschool
  • Students: Campbell Collins and Gabriella Lovins
  • Location: Austin, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7987

  • School: Greenwich High School
  • Students: Veda Swaminathan and Skyler Zinker
  • Location: Greenwich, Connecticut
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 8006

  • School: West Windsor-Plainsboro High School North
  • Students: Rithika Iyengar and Siddharth Satish
  • Location: Plainsboro Township, New Jersey
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 8017

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Charlotte Ortiz and Cora Hughes
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 8018

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Elena Rembert and Melanie Rojas
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

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G. Gordon Liddy: The Hollywood Years


liddy

The most interesting parts of G. Gordon Liddy’s career came after he botched the Watergate burglary. With his old lines of work no longer available to him, the former Nixon henchman—who died earlier this week—had to find new ways to make a living. Like playing a recurring villain on the gauzy cop show Miami Vice. Or holding a series of debates with the psychedelic celebrity Timothy Leary.

We have a pretty good sense of what the first Leary-Liddy debate tour was like, because one of Robert Altman’s protégés made a weirdly compelling documentary about it. The important thing to understand here is that Leary and Liddy weren’t just a symbol of the counterculture and a symbol of Richard Nixon’s presidency: They had once been direct antagonists, with Liddy participating in a 1966 raid on an estate where Leary had been conducting psychedelic experiments. Later they landed in the same prison, Leary on drug charges and Liddy on Watergate charges. By the early ’80s, the two old jailbirds clearly had a degree of affection for each other. That mutual respect comes through in Alan Rudolph’s 1983 film Return Engagement, which mixes excerpts from the duo’s stage show with interviews and other footage. In the process, Rudolph captures a disorienting moment in American history: a time after the convulsions of the 1960s and ’70 had ended but while most of the giant figures of that fading age were still around, trying to find a place for themselves in a changed world.

Don’t go into this film expecting a conventional left-vs.-right matchup. By this point in his life, Timothy Leary was a full-fledged libertarian. This becomes obvious a little more than 40 minutes into the movie, when he stands onstage singing the praises of voluntary organizations—”I believe in bridge clubs, I believe in families, I believe in friends, I believe in stock groups, I believe in collectives, I believe in corporations”—and damning the “one form of organization which is involuntary, and that’s the modern state.” He goes on to declare that every state in the world is a mafia, charging “extortion fees called taxes,” but he allows that “I love America. America’s the greatest mafia of them all.” At another point, after Liddy offers a lengthy denunciation of gun control, Leary doesn’t reply with a liberal argument for restricting firearms; he simply suggests that Liddy’s arguments against gun laws work just as well as arguments against drug laws. In other moments, Leary avoids conventional political issues altogether, instead singing the praises of personal computers and the baby boom generation. (His comments on the first topic are somewhat prescient. His comments on the second are pretty vapid.)

With Leary waxing anti-authoritarian, Liddy takes the more collectivist stance, issuing proclamations like “the common good transcends the individual good.” But Liddy’s willingness to defend traditional hierarchies had its limits: He also delivers a funny routine about his contempt for prison guards. (“Now just ask yourself: What kind of person would put himself in prison for 30 years?”) Liddy, a man who got his fame by committing crimes on behalf of the state, spends the film in that hazy gray zone where the criminal life intersects with the world of law and order. In one scene he hangs out with outlaw bikers; in another he brags about an award he got from a police group.

The most interesting exchange comes just a few minutes before the final credits roll. By this time we’ve seen some uncomfortable moments between the film’s stars and the public, as when a disabled audience member confronts Leary with his condition, declaring that drug users influenced by Leary’s ideas had attacked him. Now, as the debaters enjoy a meal, Leary poses a question to his sparring partner. “Gordon,” he asks, “why do you think that two intelligent, well-educated, dedicated, idealistic, romantic all-out guys like you and I are so unpopular?”

Liddy denies that many people hate him, pointing to that police award. Leary won’t have it: “Between the two of us,” he says, “we’ve locked up about 80 percent of the American people in mutual dislike.”

It is Liddy’s least self-aware moment in the movie. Leary’s least self-aware moment comes much earlier, as he chats amiably with Liddy’s wife at a party. Someone shouts, “Tim! Where did Bob go?” Leary replies that he doesn’t know where Bob is but he sure would like to find him. Then he turns to Mrs. Liddy and guilelessly explains: “Bob’s got the cocaine.”

(The movie starts about 26 seconds into the video below.)

Liddy moved deeper into show biz after Return Engagement came out, playing a CIA operative turned heroin smuggler in a 1985 Miami Vice episode called “Back in the World.” The show brought him back a year later for “Stone’s War,” in which his character turns out to be funneling private aid to Nicaragua’s contra rebels.

If you think that sounds a lot like Oliver North’s covert operations in Central America, you’re right. You might even be grinning at the decision to cast a Watergate conspirator in an Iran-contra story, thus uniting the biggest political scandal of the ’70s with the biggest political scandal of the ’80s. But here’s the wild part: “Stone’s War” aired on October 3, 1986. That’s exactly one month before the Lebanese news outlet Ash-Shiraa exposed the Iran-contra story. Any old cop show can rip something from the headlines, but how many manage to air their version of the tale first?

I’ve never really been a Miami Vice fan, and I can’t say that “Stone’s War” is better than the other episodes I’ve seen. Not by ordinary aesthetic standards, anyway. But between the ghost of Watergate and the apparition of Iran-contra, it achieves an eerie resonance that transcends the mediocre script. That’s how G. Gordon Liddy spent the ’80s: He wrote books, he did corporate speaking gigs, he ran a counterterrorism academy, he debated Dr. LSD, and in one strange moment he gave a cop show a touch of the uncanny.

(For past editions of the Friday A/V Club, go here. For another installment involving Miami Vice, go here.)

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The Top 12 Respondent Teams in The 2020 Harlan Institute-Ashbrook Virtual Supreme Court

In October, the Harlan Institute and Ashbrook announced the Eighth Annual Virtual Supreme Court Competition. This competition offers teams of two high school students the opportunity to research cutting-edge constitutional law, write persuasive appellate briefs, argue against other students through video chats, and try to persuade a panel of esteemed attorneys during oral argument that their side is correct. This year the competition focuses on Torres v. Madrid.

We are proud to announce the top 12 respondent teams that will advance to the next round. Here are their preliminary oral argument videos, and their briefs. We announced the top 12 petitioner teams here.

Team 7476

  • School: Pine Crest School
  • Students: Pedro Ribeiro and Yuvraj Tuli
  • Location: Fort Lauderdale, Florida
  • Respondent Brief

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ihuBNEAQIvA

Team 7810

  • School: Eastside Catholic High School
  • Students: Sam Niehl and Ruoya Huang
  • Location: Sammamish, Washington
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7852

  • School: Frisco CTE Center
  • Students: Anita Ashok and Kashish Bastola
  • Location: Frisco, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7856

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Abby Park and Shemaiah DeJorge
  • Location: Carrollton, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7860

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Brian Kang and Angela Nguyen
  • Location: Carrollton, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7875

  • School: BASIS Peoria
  • Students: Pranav Saravanan and Siddhant Urunkar
  • Location: Peoria, Arizona
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7890

  • School: Syosset High School
  • Students: Rachel Lin and Kelly Kim
  • Location: Syosset, New York
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7976

  • School: Joel Barlow High School
  • Students: Catherine Gutowski and Leighton Schur
  • Location: Redding, Connecticut
  • Respondent Brief

Team 7988

  • School: Greenwich High School
  • Students: Steven Blank and Benjamin Shi
  • Location: Greenwich, Connecticut
  • Respondent Brief

Team 8007

  • School: West Windsor-Plainsboro High School North
  • Students: Akshat Agarwal and Jonathan Hu
  • Location: Plainsboro Township, New Jersey
  • Respondent Brief

Team 8022

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Avery Rose and Brooke Sanchez
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

Team 8023

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Semira Morgan and Katelayn Vault
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Respondent Brief

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The Top 12 Petitioner Teams in The 2020 Harlan Institute-Ashbrook Virtual Supreme Court

In October, the Harlan Institute and Ashbrook announced the Eighth Annual Virtual Supreme Court Competition. This competition offers teams of two high school students the opportunity to research cutting-edge constitutional law, write persuasive appellate briefs, argue against other students through video chats, and try to persuade a panel of esteemed attorneys during oral argument that their side is correct. This year the competition focuses on Torres v. Madrid.

We are proud to announce the top 12 petitioner teams that will advance to the next round. Here are their preliminary oral argument videos, and their briefs. We will announce the top 12 respondent teams in another post.

Team 7847

  • School: The Founders Academy
  • Students: Francesca Vesey and James Inamorati
  • Location: Manchester, New Hampshire
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7855

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Jaqueline Aleman and Daniel Sawyers
  • Location: Carrolton, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7857

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Brandon Fantine and Elizaveta Frolova
  • Location: Carrolton, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7859

  • School: Creekview High School
  • Students: Makaylia Askew and Elizabeth Adeoye
  • Location: Carrolton, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7872

  • School: BASIS Peoria
  • Students: Senou Kounouho and Ayaan Siddiqui
  • Location: Peoria, Arizona
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7881

  • School: Paradise Honors High School
  • Students: Cameron Rose and Nathan Spalding
  • Location: Surprise, Arizona
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7889

  • School: The Baldwin School
  • Students: Wynne Conger and Grace Halak
  • Location: Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7974

  • School: Homeschool
  • Students: Campbell Collins and Gabriella Lovins
  • Location: Austin, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 7987

  • School: Greenwich High School
  • Students: Veda Swaminathan and Skyler Zinker
  • Location: Greenwich, Connecticut
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 8006

  • School: West Windsor-Plainsboro High School North
  • Students: Rithika Iyengar and Siddharth Satish
  • Location: Plainsboro Township, New Jersey
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 8017

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Charlotte Ortiz and Cora Hughes
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

Team 8018

  • School: Judge Barefoot Sanders Law Magnet
  • Students: Elena Rembert and Melanie Rojas
  • Location: Dallas, Texas
  • Petitioner Brief

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G. Gordon Liddy: The Hollywood Years


liddy

The most interesting parts of G. Gordon Liddy’s career came after he botched the Watergate burglary. With his old lines of work no longer available to him, the former Nixon henchman—who died earlier this week—had to find new ways to make a living. Like playing a recurring villain on the gauzy cop show Miami Vice. Or holding a series of debates with the psychedelic celebrity Timothy Leary.

We have a pretty good sense of what the first Leary-Liddy debate tour was like, because one of Robert Altman’s protégés made a weirdly compelling documentary about it. The important thing to understand here is that Leary and Liddy weren’t just a symbol of the counterculture and a symbol of Richard Nixon’s presidency: They had once been direct antagonists, with Liddy participating in a 1966 raid on an estate where Leary had been conducting psychedelic experiments. Later they landed in the same prison, Leary on drug charges and Liddy on Watergate charges. By the early ’80s, the two old jailbirds clearly had a degree of affection for each other. That mutual respect comes through in Alan Rudolph’s 1983 film Return Engagement, which mixes excerpts from the duo’s stage show with interviews and other footage. In the process, Rudolph captures a disorienting moment in American history: a time after the convulsions of the 1960s and ’70 had ended but while most of the giant figures of that fading age were still around, trying to find a place for themselves in a changed world.

Don’t go into this film expecting a conventional left-vs.-right matchup. By this point in his life, Timothy Leary was a full-fledged libertarian. This becomes obvious a little more than 40 minutes into the movie, when he stands onstage singing the praises of voluntary organizations—”I believe in bridge clubs, I believe in families, I believe in friends, I believe in stock groups, I believe in collectives, I believe in corporations”—and damning the “one form of organization which is involuntary, and that’s the modern state.” He goes on to declare that every state in the world is a mafia, charging “extortion fees called taxes,” but he allows that “I love America. America’s the greatest mafia of them all.” At another point, after Liddy offers a lengthy denunciation of gun control, Leary doesn’t reply with a liberal argument for restricting firearms; he simply suggests that Liddy’s arguments against gun laws work just as well as arguments against drug laws. In other moments, Leary avoids conventional political issues altogether, instead singing the praises of personal computers and the baby boom generation. (His comments on the first topic are somewhat prescient. His comments on the second are pretty vapid.)

With Leary waxing anti-authoritarian, Liddy takes the more collectivist stance, issuing proclamations like “the common good transcends the individual good.” But Liddy’s willingness to defend traditional hierarchies had its limits: He also delivers a funny routine about his contempt for prison guards. (“Now just ask yourself: What kind of person would put himself in prison for 30 years?”) Liddy, a man who got his fame by committing crimes on behalf of the state, spends the film in that hazy gray zone where the criminal life intersects with the world of law and order. In one scene he hangs out with outlaw bikers; in another he brags about an award he got from a police group.

The most interesting exchange comes just a few minutes before the final credits roll. By this time we’ve seen some uncomfortable moments between the film’s stars and the public, as when a disabled audience member confronts Leary with his condition, declaring that drug users influenced by Leary’s ideas had attacked him. Now, as the debaters enjoy a meal, Leary poses a question to his sparring partner. “Gordon,” he asks, “why do you think that two intelligent, well-educated, dedicated, idealistic, romantic all-out guys like you and I are so unpopular?”

Liddy denies that many people hate him, pointing to that police award. Leary won’t have it: “Between the two of us,” he says, “we’ve locked up about 80 percent of the American people in mutual dislike.”

It is Liddy’s least self-aware moment in the movie. Leary’s least self-aware moment comes much earlier, as he chats amiably with Liddy’s wife at a party. Someone shouts, “Tim! Where did Bob go?” Leary replies that he doesn’t know where Bob is but he sure would like to find him. Then he turns to Mrs. Liddy and guilelessly explains: “Bob’s got the cocaine.”

(The movie starts about 26 seconds into the video below.)

Liddy moved deeper into show biz after Return Engagement came out, playing a CIA operative turned heroin smuggler in a 1985 Miami Vice episode called “Back in the World.” The show brought him back a year later for “Stone’s War,” in which his character turns out to be funneling private aid to Nicaragua’s contra rebels.

If you think that sounds a lot like Oliver North’s covert operations in Central America, you’re right. You might even be grinning at the decision to cast a Watergate conspirator in an Iran-contra story, thus uniting the biggest political scandal of the ’70s with the biggest political scandal of the ’80s. But here’s the wild part: “Stone’s War” aired on October 3, 1986. That’s exactly one month before the Lebanese news outlet Ash-Shiraa exposed the Iran-contra story. Any old cop show can rip something from the headlines, but how many manage to air their version of the tale first?

I’ve never really been a Miami Vice fan, and I can’t say that “Stone’s War” is better than the other episodes I’ve seen. Not by ordinary aesthetic standards, anyway. But between the ghost of Watergate and the apparition of Iran-contra, it achieves an eerie resonance that transcends the mediocre script. That’s how G. Gordon Liddy spent the ’80s: He wrote books, he did corporate speaking gigs, he ran a counterterrorism academy, he debated Dr. LSD, and in one strange moment he gave a cop show a touch of the uncanny.

(For past editions of the Friday A/V Club, go here. For another installment involving Miami Vice, go here.)

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An Elite Public High School Changed Its Admissions Standards To Reduce the Asian-American Student Population


dreamstime_xxl_198294766

Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology in Fairfax County, Virginia, is one of the most elite public schools in the country. In 2019, U.S. News and World Report ranked it as America’s best overall high school.

It also educates a substantial racial minority population: 70 percent of TJ’s students are Asian-Americans—many of them children of immigrants.

You might think progressive education officials would celebrate this. Instead, they have decided to jettison the school’s famously tough admissions test in favor of a “holistic” (i.e., subjective and arbitrary) system that will permit officials to reject Asian-American students in favor of less-deserving students who belong to other racial categories.

The Washington Post reports:

Under the new rules, Fairfax will first identify all eighth-graders who meet certain academic criteria: those who achieve an unweighted GPA of at least 3.5 while taking Algebra I or a higher-level math class, in addition to math and science honors courses and either an English or social studies honors course.

Qualified eighth-graders will be invited to complete a math or science problem-solving essay, as well as a “Student Portrait Sheet.” Fairfax staffers will review these, taking into account “experience factors” including whether students are low-income, have special needs or come from households that do not speak English.

Ultimately, 550 middle-schoolers will receive offers each year to attend the prestigious STEM school, which is often ranked the No. 1 public high school in the nation. In a bid to ensure geographical diversity, a certain number of seats will be allotted to every middle school in Fairfax County, to be filled by eighth-graders at that school who meet criteria.

The cap on how many students can enter TJ from each middle school is arguably the most impactful: There are three middle schools with predominantly Asian-American student populations that typically account for a sizable proportion of TJ’s admissions. Limiting the number of admissions letters available to the students at these schools will in effect artificially limit the Asian-American applicant pool.

The new admissions policy has drawn a lawsuit from the Pacific Legal Foundation (PLF), which represents a coalition of parents. These plaintiffs include Harry Jackson, father of one of the six black students who was admitted to TJ in the previous cycle. Jackson understands that under the new policy, additional black and Hispanic students would likely be admitted, but doesn’t see how this is fair to the more qualified Asian-American students.

“As an African American father of a TJ student, I would also like to see more Black and Hispanic students at the school,” he told the Post. “But if those students are not making the grade, the problem isn’t the standards. It’s more likely that the elementary school pipeline is failing to prepare them for the rigors of an environment like TJ.”

In his own op-ed for The Washington Post, Jackson accused the school of treating Asian students as if they were “the wrong kind” of racial minority.

PLF’s lawsuit argues that the new admission plan was clearly adopted for the explicit purpose of curbing Asian enrollment, and is thus unconstitutional.

“The government cannot choose who receives the opportunity to attend public schools based on race or ethnicity,” said PLF attorney Erin Wilcox. “Such actions clearly violate the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection.”

Fairfax County Public Schools have not yet commented on the lawsuit, expect to note that TJ is committed to maintaining its excellent standards while fostering racial diversity.

One of the most fascinating aspects of the new admissions plan is that the largest beneficiaries would not be racial minorities, but white students. According to PLF, the school district’s own projections showed that white enrollment would increase more substantially than Black or Hispanic enrollment. And if the school board succeeded at its stated goal of “proportional” racial representation among the student body, white enrollment would increase even more dramatically. As Ilya Somin noted in a post for the Volokh Conspiracy:

The student body at TJ is currently 73% Asian-American, 1% black, 3.3% Hispanic or Latino, 6% other, and 17.7% white. If, as County school officials indicated, the goal of the new policy is to get a student body that is “proportional” to Fairfax’s population demographics, the biggest change would be an increase in the percentage of non-Hispanic whites from the current 17.7% to somewhere between 50 and 60%, though the percentage of blacks and Latinos would also increase. The plaintiffs’ analysis estimates that the new admission system would, in fact, result in a student body that is roughly 31% Asian-American, 5% black, 8% Hispanic or Latino, 48% white, and 8% other.

In the name of helping racial minorities, officials are adopting a plan that would boost whites at the expense of Asian Americans.

This debate is unfolding at a time when anti-Asian animus has taken center stage, thanks mostly to a perception that anti-Asian hate crimes are rising. Any serious effort to confront systemic racism against Asian Americans must grapple with the fact that the admissions policies of elite educational institutions—not just TJ, but also Harvard and Yale—deliberately discriminate against Asians. Such policies should anger anyone who thinks anti-Asian bias is a pressing issue.

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