Seattle and Washington State Are Being Sued Over Their Eviction Moratoriums

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The Trump administration’s eviction moratorium goes into effect Friday, criminalizing rental property owners across the country from evicting tenants for the non-payment of rent. At the same time, legal controversies about similar state and local policies continue to flare up.

Last week, several landlords in Seattle, Washington filed suit against their city and state governments for imposing eviction bans, which the plaintiffs argue are an unconstitutional violation of their property rights.

Washington Gov. Jay Inslee (D) issued one of the country’s first, and most comprehensive, eviction moratoriums in late February in response to the early outbreak of coronavirus in that state, banning landlords from filing for eviction unless a tenant is creating a significant health and safety risk, or if the owner is planning on selling or moving into the property. That moratorium was extended in July and is currently set to expire in mid-October.

Seattle Mayor Jenny Durkan issued her own eviction moratorium in March, which sunsets either at the end of the year or when the mayor calls an end to the city’s state of emergency.

This was followed by the Seattle City Council passing an ordinance that prevents evictions within six months of Durkan’s moratorium expiring. The council also passed an ordinance giving tenants a set amount of time to pay back rent that they owe. Like the state moratorium, Seattle’s eviction ban prevents all evictions save for cases where a tenant poses an imminent health or safety risk to other tenants.

The plaintiffs in last week’s lawsuit include two small rental property companies and one individual landlord.

One plaintiff, El Papel, LLC, alleges that two of its two tenants have refused to pay rent since April and that one of them has tried to get other renters in the building to engage in a rent strike. Another plaintiff, Karvell Li, has a tenant that has not paid rent consistently since June of last year, and who has refused to negotiate payment plans with Li.

A third plaintiff, Berman 2, LLC, owned by Osho Berman, has historically provided housing to lower-income and formerly homeless renters at below-market rates, according to the complaint. Berman has six tenants who are not paying rent and who have refused to negotiate any sort of payment plan.

“The blanket eviction ban puts landlords at the mercy of tenants who do not to pay rent, whether they face financial hardship or not,” reads the lawsuit, which has been filed by the Pacific Legal Foundation. “The eviction bans have upended lease obligations and stripped landlords of one of their most basic of property rights—the right of possession—leaving them with no bargaining power and no remedy against non-paying tenants.”

The lawsuit makes two constitutional claims against the state and city eviction bans, says Ethan Blevins, an attorney with the Pacific Legal Foundation. The first is that these policies violate the U.S. Constitution’s prohibition on states passing laws “impairing the obligation of contracts.”

“Eviction is the primary enforcement mechanism” for rental contracts, says Blevins. “When you remove the enforcement mechanism for a violation of the contract, as is the case here, you’ve impaired the contract.”

Preventing landlords from repossessing their property from non-paying tenants, argues Blevins, also amounts to a taking of property without just compensation in violation of the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

“When the government forces you to allow that person to continue to reside there and you can’t repossess it, that’s taking a valuable property right,” says Blevins.

In comments to The Seattle Times, spokespeople for both Durkan and Inslee defended their respective eviction moratoriums as legal emergency measures to prevent the pandemic from spawning an eviction and homelessness crisis.

So far during the pandemic, the number of people paying at least part of their rent has stayed pretty steady at around 90 percent at higher-end properties, which is only slightly less than where payment rates were last year. The percentage of people paying rent at is worse at lower-end buildings.

The lack of a huge surge in non-payment weakens the legal case against eviction moratoriums, Edmund Witter, managing attorney for the Housing Justice Project at the King County Bar Association in Washington, told The Seattle Times.

“Delinquency rates have not been horrible,” he said to the Times. “The reality is I don’t think [landlords] have too much to complain about right now.”

Blevins counters that there’s been no surge in evictions in places where moratoriums have expired. Data from Princeton University’s Eviction Lab shows eviction filings are below historic averages in almost every city.

In late June, a U.S. District Court in New York upheld that state’s eviction moratorium in the face of a legal challenge from landlords, ruling that the emergency created by the COVID-19 pandemic justified the moratorium and that limitations on when property owners could file for eviction don’t count as a taking.

The Pacific Legal Foundation had sued the California Judicial Council—the rule-making body for that state’s court system—over the council’s eviction moratorium on separation-of-powers grounds in June. The Judicial Council announced in mid-August that they’d let their ban to expire. The California legislature has since passed a statewide extension of that moratorium.

The fact that Seattle’s eviction moratorium expires six months after the emergency, and that both Washington and Seattle’s eviction moratoriums protect tenants who haven’t suffered pandemic-related financial hardship, makes them more vulnerable to lawsuits.

“It’s extending beyond what’s necessary to deal with the public health crisis or to deal with the economic fallout from the pandemic,” Blevins says. “If a law isn’t reasonably related or proportional to an emergency, then I think it’s more susceptible to legal challenge.”

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Jeff Gundlach Live Webcast: “Hey Kid, Want Some Candy?”

Jeff Gundlach Live Webcast: “Hey Kid, Want Some Candy?”

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/08/2020 – 16:31

One month after shocking Wall Street with his latest prediction that Donald Trump would win the Nov election, similar to Gundlach’s contrarian and correct forecast made ahead of the 2016 election, the DoubleLine founder is holding his latest live webcast, this time titled, “Hey Kid, Want Some Candy?” a reference to something which while good in the short term, ends up being catastrophic in the long-run, similar to the current market situation.

“You can teach a child: Don’t take candy from strangers” Gundlach said, comparing this to the UBI unemployment benefits workers have depended on.

Among the topics covered in the early minutes of the slideshow are global trade volumes, the South Korean Kospi index as a real-time indicator of the export picture, the US Growth forecast (he thinks it should be stronger), and a focus on the disconnect between the economic forecast and stocks, noting that the global GDP forecast for the year is -3.9%, while in the U.S. It’s -5.0%. He finds this strange as the U.S. response has “really been one of the highest for the world.”

Gundlach also said that the economy was obviously deteriorating for two years before the recession, but looking ahead discusses the strong rebound in PMIs.

The DoubleLine CEO – who is flipping between slides at a furious pace- then points to the weekly hours worked as a recession indicator, which took a hit but has rebounded to its nearly 60-year average. At the same time, looking at consumer confidence, he says it fell off a cliff similar to the dot-com level.

Readers can access the live webcast at the following link (free registration required).

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Intolerance And Authoritarianism Accelerate Disunity And Collapse

Intolerance And Authoritarianism Accelerate Disunity And Collapse

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/08/2020 – 16:20

Authored by Charles Hugh Smith via OfTwoMinds blog,

Scapegoating dissenters only hastens the disunity and disarray that accelerates the final collapse.

Authoritarianism is imposed on us, but its sibling intolerance is our own doing. Intolerance and authoritarianism are two sides of the same coin: as intolerance becomes the norm, the intolerant start demanding that the state enforce their intolerance by suppressing their enemies via increasingly heavy-handed authoritarian measures.

Intolerance and authoritarianism increase as instability takes hold and living standards decline. In good times, dissent and differences of opinion are not only tolerated but celebrated, as this freedom to hold a variety of beliefs serves to unify society.

In bad times, dissent and differences are viewed as mortal threats to the social order. Perhaps there is a human instinct when times become troubled to insist “we must all row together,” i.e. to seek a unity enforced by a rising intolerance that demands more authoritarian action by the state.

For example, in wartime, pacifist views that were previously tolerated become criminal offenses.

The irony here is this forced conformity doesn’t generate unity–it fractures society into bitterly warring camps as the middle ground vanishes into either/or extremism that sees authoritarianism (in support of our side, of course) as not just justified but essential.

Intolerance and authoritarianism undermine and ultimately destroy the unity that was generated by tolerance and a wide variety of beliefs and dissenting views. As our own insecurities increase, we fall all too willingly to the temptation to see others’ recalcitrant refusal to join our camp without reservations as the source of our insecurity.

In this mindset of insecurity, the “solution” is to force compliance by any means available so everyone is in our camp. And since some might be hiding the insincerity of their devotion to our righteous cause, the need for an Inquisition becomes pressing, so the insincere or closet traitors can be unmasked and punished.

But the Inquisitors themselves inevitably come under suspicion, and an Inquisition of the Inquisitors soon lays waste to those who hubristically held themselves as the arbiters of conformity. There is no way to escape this drive to dissipate insecurity by forcing conformity except the complete collapse of the social, political and economic orders.

This is the path to madness and complete social breakdown. But such is the power of insecurity and uncertainty that history records our self-destructive urgency to abandon the middle ground and a diversity of viewpoints and beliefs for the totalitarian uniformity of forced conformity.

But once rooted, intolerance knows no bounds and the snake of intolerant authoritarianism ends up eating its own tail. In an era of intolerance, ideological purity is a constantly shifting landscape of quicksand. Those at the top passing judgment on others’ ideological purity soon find their own purity is under attack.

Increasingly intolerant, repressive authoritarianism marked the final days of the Roman decline and fall. Rather than face the profound and novel crises directly and unify around the sacrifices needed to resolve the crises favorably, it is so much easier to blame everyone who doesn’t agree with our position as the source of the crises.

This is delusional, of course: crises have real-world sources, and scapegoating dissenters only hastens the disunity and disarray that accelerate the final collapse.

*  *  *

My recent books:

Will You Be Richer or Poorer?: Profit, Power, and AI in a Traumatized World ($13)

(Kindle $6.95, print $11.95) Read the first section for free (PDF).

Pathfinding our Destiny: Preventing the Final Fall of Our Democratic Republic ($6.95 (Kindle), $12 (print), $13.08 ( audiobook): Read the first section for free (PDF).

The Adventures of the Consulting Philosopher: The Disappearance of Drake $1.29 (Kindle), $8.95 (print); read the first chapters for free (PDF)

Money and Work Unchained $6.95 (Kindle), $15 (print) Read the first section for free (PDF).

*  *  *

If you found value in this content, please join me in seeking solutions by becoming a $1/month patron of my work via patreon.com.

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Crude Crushed, Tech Wrecked, Banks Battered; Bonds & Bullion Bid

Crude Crushed, Tech Wrecked, Banks Battered; Bonds & Bullion Bid

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/08/2020 – 16:01

Nasdaq futs are down 11% (correction from their highs last week), and the rest of the majors are down around 5%…

This is Nasdaq’s worst 3-day performance since March (3rd worst 3-day drop since 2001).

Turn the Softbank machines back on!!!!

From Friday’s close, Nasdaq was clubbed like a baby seal and when the 1430ET margin calls hit, stocks legged lower once again…

Small Caps and NASDAQ found support at their 50DMA…

Remember when the collapse/divergence of breadth meant nothing at all?

Source: Bloomberg

All the big momentum trades are reversing hard.

Big Tech…

Source: Bloomberg

FANG stocks…

Source: Bloomberg

TSLA (worst day since 2012) lost around $85bn in mkt cap (oe put another TSLA lost a BlackRock, or an Altria, or a Morgan Stanley)…

AAPL…

Banks…

Source: Bloomberg

“Work from Home” stocks plunged…

Source: Bloomberg

Semis…

Source: Bloomberg

Energy…

Source: Bloomberg

VIX was up today but trapped in a range…

WTI Crude…

But don’t sweat it – CNBC’s Bob Pisani said “We’ve got a healthy correction going on.”

Still a long way to go for stocks to catch down to bonds…

Source: Bloomberg

Not everything was down. Gold gained after rebounding from early weakness…

Bonds were bid all day with the long-end outperforming…

Source: Bloomberg

With 10Y Yields back below 70bps…

Source: Bloomberg

As Bloomberg noted, freshly-minted bond bears got a harsh lesson in market timing on Tuesday as a precipitous drop in technology shares sent investors in search of havens. Short interest as a percentage of shares outstanding on the $17.2 billion iShares 20+ Year Treasury Bond ETF, ticker TLT, jumped to 9.8% from about 4.4% from the start of last week, according to data from IHS Markit Ltd. That’s the highest level since 2018.

The dollar rallied for the 5th day in the last 6…

Source: Bloomberg

Bitcoin was flatish, hovering around the $10k mark…

Source: Bloomberg

Cable was weak for the 5th day in a row (worst day since March), back below 1.30 amid Brexit uncertainty…

Source: Bloomberg

As downbeat as it is, we give the last word to Liberty Blitzkrieg’s Mike Krieger, who tweeted the following ‘public service announcement’:

The worst thing you can do right now is assume Washington D.C. is going to help you in any way whatsoever. Not happening. The people there hate you and don’t care what happens to you. Focus on local and get your shit together. Nobody’s coming to save you.”

It can’t be that easy can it?

Source: Bloomberg

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Rochester Police Chief Suddenly Resigns Over “Attempt To Destroy My Character” – Entire Command Staff Joins

Rochester Police Chief Suddenly Resigns Over “Attempt To Destroy My Character” – Entire Command Staff Joins

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/08/2020 – 15:45

Rochester, NY Police Chief La’Ron Singletary said in a surprise announcement on Tuesday that he will be retiring at the age of 40 after less than 18 months on the job, after controversy erupted over the March death of a black man while in police custody.

His deputy and the city’s entire command staff joined him in leaving, according to ABC News and Bloomberg.

Speaking via Zoom, Mayor Lovely Warren confirmed the moves, adding “The Chief was not asked to give his resignation.”

When asked who would be in charge of the police department this evening in the event of new protests, Warren said she didn’t know and asked for the briefing to be adjourned so that a replacement could be found. As of Sunday, a total of 37 people had been arrested and eight police officers hospitalized amid the unrest.  -Bloomberg

Singletary came under fire following news of the death of Daniel Prude, a mentally ill black man who died of asphyxiation after police attempted to take him into protective custody in March – two months before the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis, yet the incident didn’t become public until last week, according to the Democrat & Chronicle.

Prude, 41, had been suffering from a mental health episode and was running naked throughout the streets. Once officers caught him, a ‘spit hood’ was placed over his head after he began spitting. He was then held face down on the pavement for just over two minutes, after which he stopped breathing. Prude was pronounced DOA to the hospital from asphyxia.

On Monday, naked protesters wore ‘spit hoods’ outside the Rochester police headquarters in protest.

In a Tuesday statement, Chief Singletary said in part: “As a man of integrity, I will not sit idly by while outside entities attempt to destroy my character,” adding “The events over the past week are an attempt to destroy my character and integrity.

No successors have been announced.

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House Foreign Affairs Committee Leader Call For “Investigation” Of Navalny Poisoning

House Foreign Affairs Committee Leader Call For “Investigation” Of Navalny Poisoning

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/08/2020 – 15:36

Despite President Trump’s comment on Friday that his administration “had not yet seen proof” that Alexei Navalny, the Putin critic who just emerged from a medically induced coma in a German hospital, had been poisoned – like German Chancellor Angela Merkel alleges – a bipartisan group that includes the leaders of the House Foreign Affairs Committee are pushing the administration to launch an investigation, even going so far as to suggest that more sanctions might be necessary.

As to how Washington might go about investigating a crime allegedly committed by a shadowy group of operatives thousands of miles away is another matter left entirely unexplored, apparently.

“If the Russian government is once again determined to have used a chemical weapon against one of its own nationals, additional sanctions should be imposed,” Representatives Eliot Engel, the Democratic committee chairman, and Michael McCaul, the panel’s top Republican.

For those who aren’t familiar with the New York Congressman, Engel was recently defeated in a Democratic primary by an upstart backed by AOC.

The two lawmakers are hardly the first to suggest that Russia be subjected to some kind of official penalty for the alleged poisoning, Navalny was, according to the German government, poisoned with “military grade” Novichok, described by the NYTimes as a ‘fearsome’ nerve agent, long employed by spies and assasins,

The same substance was allegedly used in the poisoning of Russia double-agent Sergei Skripal, and his daughter. However, the Skripals, like Navalny, survived the attack. That doeen’t exactly bode well for the whole ‘fearsome nerve agent’ theory. That’s not the only factor that undermines the official narrative.

Germany has said it wants the poisoner held accountable, while Russia hasn’t opened an investigation.

Though it looks like many allies of Chancellor Merkel – who favors a more realpolitik approach when it comes to NordStream 2 – are starting to push back on the prospect of further action.

Readers can find the press release and letter below:

* * *

Washington, D.C. – Representatives Michael McCaul, Republican Leader of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Eliot Engel, the Committee’s Chairman, today called on the Trump Administration to investigate Russia’s use of chemical weapons in the poisoning of Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny. Under the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991, this request triggers an investigation into Russia’s alleged violation of international law. In their letter to President Trump, the lawmakers urged the administration to enact additional sanctions if it’s determined that chemical weapons were used against Navalny.

“If the Russian government is once again determined to have used a chemical weapon against one of its own nationals, additional sanctions should be imposed,” wrote the lawmakers. “Those responsible for this despicable attack must be held accountable, and Russian President Vladimir Putin must know that he and his cronies will not be allowed to violate international law with impunity.”

Full text of the letter can be found here and below:

Dear Mr. President,

We are deeply concerned by reports that leading Russian political activist Alexey Navalny was poisoned on August 20, 2020, by a Novichok chemical nerve agent and formally request that the executive branch investigate whether Russia has used chemical weapons in violation of international law or has used lethal chemical weapons against its own nationals. Pursuant to Section 306 of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (22 USC 5604)  (“the CBW Act”), this request triggers a required 60-day evaluation period, and then, if a determination is made that chemical weapons were used, a sanctions process is laid out under the Act.

As you know, Mr. Navalny is suspected of being poisoned at an airport café in the Russian city of Tomsk. After initially receiving medical care at the Omsk Emergency Hospital, he was transported from Russia to the Charité hospital in Berlin for treatment. Doctors at the Charité hospital announced their finding that Mr. Navalny was poisoned with a Novichok agent on September 2, 2020. We thank Chancellor Angela Merkel and our German allies for opening their doors to Mr. Navalny and his family so that he may be treated in Germany.

The poisoning of Mr. Navalny is particularly disturbing given that a Novichok agent was also used in a March 2018 attack on former Russian intelligence officer Sergei Skripal in Salisbury, England. In that instance, you determined that the Russian government was behind the attack in contravention of international law which in turn triggered sanctions against Russia under the CBW Act. If the Russian government is once again determined to have used a chemical weapon against one of its own nationals, additional sanctions should be imposed.

Finally, we urge you to continue to act in concert with our allies and partners to demand Russia cooperate fully with a thorough international investigation to be led by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons into Mr. Navalny’s poisoning. Those responsible for this despicable attack must be held accountable, and Russian President Vladimir Putin must know that he and his cronies will not be allowed to violate international law with impunity.

Sincerely,

ELIOT L. ENGEL

Chairman

MICHAEL T. McCAUL

Ranking Republican Member

* * *

Source: House Foreign Affairs

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Seattle and Washington State Are Being Sued Over Their Eviction Moratoriums

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The Trump administration’s eviction moratorium goes into effect Friday, criminalizing rental property owners across the country from evicting tenants for the non-payment of rent. At the same time, legal controversies about similar state and local policies continue to flare up.

Last week, several landlords in Seattle, Washington filed suit against their city and state governments for imposing eviction bans, which the plaintiffs argue are an unconstitutional violation of their property rights.

Washington Gov. Jay Inslee (D) issued one of the country’s first, and most comprehensive, eviction moratoriums in late February in response to the early outbreak of coronavirus in that state, banning landlords from filing for eviction unless a tenant is creating a significant health and safety risk, or if the owner is planning on selling or moving into the property. That moratorium was extended in July and is currently set to expire in mid-October.

Seattle Mayor Jenny Durkan issued her own eviction moratorium in March, which sunsets either at the end of the year or when the mayor calls an end to the city’s state of emergency.

This was followed by the Seattle City Council passing an ordinance that prevents evictions within six months of Durkan’s moratorium expiring. The council also passed an ordinance giving tenants a set amount of time to pay back rent that they owe. Like the state moratorium, Seattle’s eviction ban prevents all evictions save for cases where a tenant poses an imminent health or safety risk to other tenants.

The plaintiffs in last week’s lawsuit include two small rental property companies and one individual landlord.

One plaintiff, El Papel, LLC, alleges that two of its two tenants have refused to pay rent since April and that one of them has tried to get other renters in the building to engage in a rent strike. Another plaintiff, Karvell Li, has a tenant that has not paid rent consistently since June of last year, and who has refused to negotiate payment plans with Li.

A third plaintiff, Berman 2, LLC, owned by Osho Berman, has historically provided housing to lower-income and formerly homeless renters at below-market rates, according to the complaint. Berman has six tenants who are not paying rent and who have refused to negotiate any sort of payment plan.

“The blanket eviction ban puts landlords at the mercy of tenants who do not to pay rent, whether they face financial hardship or not,” reads the lawsuit, which has been filed by the Pacific Legal Foundation. “The eviction bans have upended lease obligations and stripped landlords of one of their most basic of property rights—the right of possession—leaving them with no bargaining power and no remedy against non-paying tenants.”

The lawsuit makes two constitutional claims against the state and city eviction bans, says Ethan Blevins, an attorney with the Pacific Legal Foundation. The first is that these policies violate the U.S. Constitution’s prohibition on states passing laws “impairing the obligation of contracts.”

“Eviction is the primary enforcement mechanism” for rental contracts, says Blevins. “When you remove the enforcement mechanism for a violation of the contract, as is the case here, you’ve impaired the contract.”

Preventing landlords from repossessing their property from non-paying tenants, argues Blevins, also amounts to a taking of property without just compensation in violation of the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

“When the government forces you to allow that person to continue to reside there and you can’t repossess it, that’s taking a valuable property right,” says Blevins.

In comments to The Seattle Times, spokespeople for both Durkan and Inslee defended their respective eviction moratoriums as legal emergency measures to prevent the pandemic from spawning an eviction and homelessness crisis.

So far during the pandemic, the number of people paying at least part of their rent has stayed pretty steady at around 90 percent at higher-end properties, which is only slightly less than where payment rates were last year. The percentage of people paying rent at is worse at lower-end buildings.

The lack of a huge surge in non-payment weakens the legal case against eviction moratoriums, Edmund Witter, managing attorney for the Housing Justice Project at the King County Bar Association in Washington, told The Seattle Times.

“Delinquency rates have not been horrible,” he said to the Times. “The reality is I don’t think [landlords] have too much to complain about right now.”

Blevins counters that there’s been no surge in evictions in places where moratoriums have expired. Data from Princeton University’s Eviction Lab shows eviction filings are below historic averages in almost every city.

In late June, a U.S. District Court in New York upheld that state’s eviction moratorium in the face of a legal challenge from landlords, ruling that the emergency created by the COVID-19 pandemic justified the moratorium and that limitations on when property owners could file for eviction don’t count as a taking.

The Pacific Legal Foundation had sued the California Judicial Council—the rule-making body for that state’s court system—over the council’s eviction moratorium on separation-of-powers grounds in June. The Judicial Council announced in mid-August that they’d let their ban to expire. The California legislature has since passed a statewide extension of that moratorium.

The fact that Seattle’s eviction moratorium expires six months after the emergency, and that both Washington and Seattle’s eviction moratoriums protect tenants who haven’t suffered pandemic-related financial hardship, makes them more vulnerable to lawsuits.

“It’s extending beyond what’s necessary to deal with the public health crisis or to deal with the economic fallout from the pandemic,” Blevins says. “If a law isn’t reasonably related or proportional to an emergency, then I think it’s more susceptible to legal challenge.”

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More Ideas that Can Help Repair and Extend the Rule of Law

Rule of Law 2

Like co-blogger Jonathan Adler, I was greatly impressed by Paul Rosenzweig and Vishnu Kannan’s recent article on “Repairing the Rule of Law: A Post-Trump Agenda.”I agree with nearly all of their proposals, with the possible exception of DC statehood. On the latter, I don’t have strong views either way, though I agree with Jonathan’s comment that it doesn’t really qualify as a rule of law issue. Jonathan is also right to emphasize that these reforms (and those Jonathan himself adds to the list) are worth pursuing regardless of who wins the November election. Most of them address issues that are not unique to Trump, even if his tenure in office has highlighted their importance.

I would add two other items to those proposed by Rosenzweig, Kannan, and Adler. Both are also issues that predate Trump and are likely to outlast him, even though his abuses of power have highlighted their importance:

  1. Eliminate virtually limitless delegations of power to the executive over trade and immigration—and possibly other areas.

As currently interpreted by the Supreme Court, the law gives the president the authority to impose almost any immigration or trade restrictions he wishes, for virtually any reason. That is both bad policy and deeply inimical to the rule of law. I discussed these issues in  greater detail with respect to immigration here, here, and here, and trade here.

Most recently, a similar problem has emerged from the Trump administration’s claim that the Center for Disease Control has virtually limitless authority to enact any regulation that might in some way reduce the spread of contagious disease (which effectively means the power to suppress or restrict almost any activity of any kind).

As discussed in various pieces linked above, this can be accomplished by stronger judicial enforcement of the nondelegation doctrine. But it can also be achieved by Congress passing laws paring back or eliminating the relevant statutes. I suspect we will ultimately need some combination of both. If claims of limitless

2. Subject immigration restrictions to the same constitutional constraints as those that apply to other federal laws.

As described in greater detail in my October 2019 Atlantic article on this subject, current Supreme Court precedent largely exempts immigration restrictions from most of the constitutional constraints that apply to virtually all exercises of federal power. This enables the President and Congress to engage in otherwise unconstitutional discrimination on the basis of religion, ethnicity, and political speech, and to exempt immigration detention and deportation from due process constraints that regulate other serious deprivations of liberty. The effect of this double standard is both a menace to the rule of law that lacks any basis in the text or original meaning of the Constitution, and a whole host of injustices (including many that impact US citizens as well as potential immigrants).

Eliminating this double standard, would not result in the end of all immigration restrictions. Far from it, in fact. But it would eliminate the use of unconstitutional discrimination, and subject enforcement measures to the same types of due process constraints that we take for granted in other areas of law.

As with nondelegation, the elimination of constitutional double standards on immigration law can be accomplished by some combination of court decisions reversing or limiting the relevant precedents, and congressional action. The No Ban Act proposed by congressional Democrats would be a great start on the latter front. It would impose important new constraints on both discrimination and delegation in the immigration context.

Much more can be said both on these two topics and on the more general issue of strengthening the rule of law. I am grateful to Paul Rosenzweig, Vishnu Kannan, and Jonathan Adler for jump-starting this much-needed discussion, which I hope will continue over the next few months and beyond.

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More Ideas that Can Help Repair and Extend the Rule of Law

Rule of Law 2

Like co-blogger Jonathan Adler, I was greatly impressed by Paul Rosenzweig and Vishnu Kannan’s recent article on “Repairing the Rule of Law: A Post-Trump Agenda.”I agree with nearly all of their proposals, with the possible exception of DC statehood. On the latter, I don’t have strong views either way, though I agree with Jonathan’s comment that it doesn’t really qualify as a rule of law issue. Jonathan is also right to emphasize that these reforms (and those Jonathan himself adds to the list) are worth pursuing regardless of who wins the November election. Most of them address issues that are not unique to Trump, even if his tenure in office has highlighted their importance.

I would add two other items to those proposed by Rosenzweig, Kannan, and Adler. Both are also issues that predate Trump and are likely to outlast him, even though his abuses of power have highlighted their importance:

  1. Eliminate virtually limitless delegations of power to the executive over trade and immigration—and possibly other areas.

As currently interpreted by the Supreme Court, the law gives the president the authority to impose almost any immigration or trade restrictions he wishes, for virtually any reason. That is both bad policy and deeply inimical to the rule of law. I discussed these issues in  greater detail with respect to immigration here, here, and here, and trade here.

Most recently, a similar problem has emerged from the Trump administration’s claim that the Center for Disease Control has virtually limitless authority to enact any regulation that might in some way reduce the spread of contagious disease (which effectively means the power to suppress or restrict almost any activity of any kind).

As discussed in various pieces linked above, this can be accomplished by stronger judicial enforcement of the nondelegation doctrine. But it can also be achieved by Congress passing laws paring back or eliminating the relevant statutes. I suspect we will ultimately need some combination of both. If claims of limitless

2. Subject immigration restrictions to the same constitutional constraints as those that apply to other federal laws.

As described in greater detail in my October 2019 Atlantic article on this subject, current Supreme Court precedent largely exempts immigration restrictions from most of the constitutional constraints that apply to virtually all exercises of federal power. This enables the President and Congress to engage in otherwise unconstitutional discrimination on the basis of religion, ethnicity, and political speech, and to exempt immigration detention and deportation from due process constraints that regulate other serious deprivations of liberty. The effect of this double standard is both a menace to the rule of law that lacks any basis in the text or original meaning of the Constitution, and a whole host of injustices (including many that impact US citizens as well as potential immigrants).

Eliminating this double standard, would not result in the end of all immigration restrictions. Far from it, in fact. But it would eliminate the use of unconstitutional discrimination, and subject enforcement measures to the same types of due process constraints that we take for granted in other areas of law.

As with nondelegation, the elimination of constitutional double standards on immigration law can be accomplished by some combination of court decisions reversing or limiting the relevant precedents, and congressional action. The No Ban Act proposed by congressional Democrats would be a great start on the latter front. It would impose important new constraints on both discrimination and delegation in the immigration context.

Much more can be said both on these two topics and on the more general issue of strengthening the rule of law. I am grateful to Paul Rosenzweig, Vishnu Kannan, and Jonathan Adler for jump-starting this much-needed discussion, which I hope will continue over the next few months and beyond.

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Americans Pay Down Credit Cards For 5th Consecutive Month As Post-Covid Deleveraging Continues

Americans Pay Down Credit Cards For 5th Consecutive Month As Post-Covid Deleveraging Continues

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/08/2020 – 15:21

After three months of record declines, total US consumer credit posted its first increase in the month of June since the covid crisis, rising by a modest $8.9 billion, a number which has now been revised to $11.4 billion, and in the latest consumer credit report released by the Fed, in July total consumer credit rose again, increasing by $12.9 billion.

In total, July consumer credit rose at a 3.6% annual rate to $4.13 trillion according to the Fed’s latest G.19 statement.

What was more notable, however, is that revolving credit – i.e., credit card debt – shrank once again, the 5th consecutive monthly decline, dropping by $293 million to just below $1 trillion.

This is the longest stretch of credit card deleveraging since the financial crisis, and confirms that in the post-covid world few are willing to go crazy and charge everything in sight. The date also confirms the latest BofA card data, which showed that while debit card usage is now well above year-ago levels, credit card-funded spending continues to decline.

Meanwhile, the trend higher in auto and student loans, i.e., non-revolving credit, continued apace and in July it rose by $12.5 a modest drop from the $13.2 billion increase in June.

Finally, when looking at the biggest component of US household debt after mortgages, namely auto loans and student loans, it’s as if nothing every happened, with both series hitting new all time highs: student loans rose by $2.2 billion to $1.6757 trillion as of the end of Q2, while auto loans increased by $11 billion in the three months ended June 30, reaching a record $1.198 trillion.

With total credit now once again positive, and revolving credit expect to finally turn green in August (unless the fiscal cliff hammers credit card spending) it appears that life in America – where virtually everyone spends well beyond their means – is back to normal…. at least until the next artificial crisis.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/32bAaQW Tyler Durden