“Some [Academics] Fear for Their Career Because They Don’t Believe Progressive Orthodoxies”

Read the whole article, but here’s an excerpt:

The charges levied against many of these professors are rooted in a fanatical worldview, one devoted to spraying for any utterances possibly interpretable as “supremacist,” although the accusers sincerely think they have access to higher wisdom. A white professor read a passage from an interview with a well-known Black public intellectual who mentions the rap group NWA, and because few of the students knew of the group’s work at this late date, the professor parenthetically noted what the initials stand for. None of the Black students batted an eye, according to my correspondent, but a few white students demanded a humiliating public apology.

This episode represents a pattern in the letters [that I have gotten], wherein it is white students who are “woker” than their Black classmates, neatly demonstrating the degree to which this new religion is more about virtue signaling than social justice. From the same well is this same professor finding that the gay men in his class had no problem with his assigning a book with a gay slur in its title, a layered, ironic title for a book taking issue with traditional concepts of masculinity—but that a group of straight white women did, and reported him to his superiors….

Very few of the people who wrote to me are of conservative political orientation. Rather, a main thread in the missives is people left-of-center wondering why, suddenly, to be anything but radical is to be treated as a retrograde heretic. Thus the issue is not the age-old one of left against right, but what one letter writer calls the “circular firing squad” of the left: It is now no longer “Why aren’t you on the left?” but “How dare you not be as left as we are.”

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Are Law Reviews Useful to Courts?

Two commenters on Josh Blackman’s recent post about ideology and law reviews repeated a common assertion: “[F]ew courts or judges pay much attention to [law reviews].” “They serve no useful purpose except resume building.”

It’s hard to measure the value of law reviews, but here’s one data point: I did a quick search on Lexis for cases in just one year (2019) that cite an “L. Rev.” or an “L.J.,” and it yielded 3724 cases. It seems that about 10% might be false positives (chiefly from references to litigants or third parties that had “L.J.” in their names or pseudonyms), and doubtless others might be some false negatives (since many law reviews aren’t called Law Review or Law Journal). There may also have been a different kind of false positive—judges citing an article even though they didn’t find it at all helpful to their analysis, but just because they think it might be useful to readers—and a different kind of false negative: judges or law clerks finding an article useful but not citing it. Still, the 3724 number should give you a sense that many judges do find law reviews useful at least sometimes.

Naturally, this says nothing about whether the social benefits of producing law review articles (which would presumably extend beyond their benefits to judges) exceed the social costs; whether we should switch to some better approach to law review article publishing; how much weight we should give to the fact most court decisions don’t cite law review articles (perhaps that’s just because the analysis is straightforward and doesn’t require an academic perspective, or because the lawyers didn’t cite the articles and the judges and clerks didn’t see the need to themselves search for such articles); or a variety of other topics.

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After the DEA Robbed Her of $43,000 at an Airport, She Joined a Class Action Challenging the Agency’s Cash Grabs

Stacy-Jones-IJ

After flying from Tampa to North Carolina for a casino reopening last May, Stacy Jones and her husband had dinner with friends, who were interested in buying a car the couple owned. They paid for it in cash. When the couple had to cut their trip short because of a death in the family, Jones put that money, along with cash she had for gambling, in a carry-on bag and headed for the airport in Wilmington, never considering the possibility that she was about to be robbed of $43,000 by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

A local sheriff’s deputy, alerted to the presence of seizable cash by Transportation Security Administration (TSA) screeners, grilled Jones and her husband about the money and deemed their explanation fishy, even after he called their friend, who confirmed the car purchase but was unable to say exactly how many miles were on the odometer. The deputy called in two DEA agents, who interrogated the couple some more and then announced that they were seizing the money based on their suspicion that it was related to drug trafficking.

Jones is the latest named plaintiff in a federal class action lawsuit that the Institute for Justice filed in January, arguing that the DEA’s practice of seizing money from travelers without any evidence of criminal activity violates the Fourth Amendment. The lawsuit also argues that the TSA’s participation in this racket is unconstitutional and exceeds the agency’s statutory authority.

“I’ve traveled with cash in the past,” Jones told WFLA, the NBC station in Tampa. “We are recreational gamblers, so it’s just something that we’ve done and never thought twice about.”

There is nothing illegal about traveling with large amounts of cash. But given the legalized larceny authorized by civil asset forfeiture laws, Jones was always taking a risk by thinking she could safely travel with her own money, unmolested by avaricious drug warriors.

“Civil forfeiture allows the government to seize and permanently keep your property, even if you’ve never been charged with a crime,” Institute for Justice senior attorney Dan Alban explained to WFLA. “DEA has a policy of seizing large amounts of cash at airports, regardless if it has any proof the money is connected to drug trafficking. And unfortunately, that sweeps up a whole bunch of innocent people who have perfectly legitimate reasons for traveling with cash.”

According to the Institute for Justice lawsuit, the DEA seized more than $2 billion in cash from 2009 through 2013. During that period, it was responsible for more than 4,000 cash seizures at airports and other transportation facilities, which netted a total of $163 million.

The named plaintiffs in the lawsuit include Terrence Rolin, a 79-year-old retired railroad engineer, who lost his life savings—$82,373—to a DEA seizure after his daughter, Rebecca Brown, whom he had charged with depositing the money in a joint bank account, took it with her while flying from Pittsburgh, where she was visiting him, to her home in Massachusetts. Two months later, after the case attracted national publicity, the DEA agreed to return the money.

Rolin and Brown are still participating in the lawsuit. In the amended complaint, they say their fear of DEA seizures has prevented them from handling money the way they would otherwise prefer.

“Terry’s and Rebecca’s case made headlines across the country and even overseas, but that still didn’t stop the TSA and DEA from doing the same thing to Stacy,” notes Institute for Justice attorney Jaba Tsitsuashvili. “The government shouldn’t be able to take someone’s savings unless they are convicted of a crime. But because federal law enforcement gets to spend the money it keeps through civil forfeiture, agencies like the DEA are incentivized to take cash without justification.”

Jones thinks Americans traveling in the United States should not have to live in fear of money-grabbing law enforcement officials, as if they were visiting a Third World country where corruption is endemic and cops routinely act like robbers. “I worked hard for this money and was intending to use it for a down payment on a house,” she says. “It’s wrong that the government treats people like criminals even though they are doing something perfectly legal. It needs to stop.”

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“Some [Academics] Fear for Their Career Because They Don’t Believe Progressive Orthodoxies”

Read the whole article, but here’s an excerpt:

The charges levied against many of these professors are rooted in a fanatical worldview, one devoted to spraying for any utterances possibly interpretable as “supremacist,” although the accusers sincerely think they have access to higher wisdom. A white professor read a passage from an interview with a well-known Black public intellectual who mentions the rap group NWA, and because few of the students knew of the group’s work at this late date, the professor parenthetically noted what the initials stand for. None of the Black students batted an eye, according to my correspondent, but a few white students demanded a humiliating public apology.

This episode represents a pattern in the letters [that I have gotten], wherein it is white students who are “woker” than their Black classmates, neatly demonstrating the degree to which this new religion is more about virtue signaling than social justice. From the same well is this same professor finding that the gay men in his class had no problem with his assigning a book with a gay slur in its title, a layered, ironic title for a book taking issue with traditional concepts of masculinity—but that a group of straight white women did, and reported him to his superiors….

Very few of the people who wrote to me are of conservative political orientation. Rather, a main thread in the missives is people left-of-center wondering why, suddenly, to be anything but radical is to be treated as a retrograde heretic. Thus the issue is not the age-old one of left against right, but what one letter writer calls the “circular firing squad” of the left: It is now no longer “Why aren’t you on the left?” but “How dare you not be as left as we are.”

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Biden Denies He Will Ban Fracking

BidenPittsburgh

“I am not banning fracking. Let me say that again. I am not banning fracking,” declared Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden in a speech in Pittsburgh yesterday. “No matter how many times Donald Trump lies about me.”

He sounded a somewhat different note during a debate back in March. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) declared that he was “talking about stopping fracking as soon as we possibly can. I’m talking about telling the fossil fuel industry that they are going to stop destroying this planet—no ifs, buts, and maybes about it.” Biden responded, “So am I.” He also said “no new fracking” and “No more drilling on federal lands. No more drilling, including offshore.”

After the debate that night, Biden’s campaign declared that the candidate had misspoken and had actually meant to just reiterate his policy of “banning new oil and gas permitting on public lands and waters.” This would obviously stop any new fracking on those lands, as well as conventional drilling on federal lands and waters. This proposal somewhat mirrors President Barack Obama’s December 2016 order banning oil and gas drilling off the Atlantic and Arctic coasts as well as selected federal onshore areas.

The vast majority of U.S. oil and natural gas production takes place on private lands, and so would not be subject to Biden’s proposed leasing ban. More specifically, Biden’s ban would have no effect on private leasing and production in swing electoral states like Pennsylvania and Ohio.

Production on federal lands and offshore is not insignificant, though. According to a 2018 Congressional Research Service report, about 24 percent of oil and 13 percent of natural gas production occurs on federal lands and offshore.

“Biden has promised to abolish the production of American oil, coal, shale, and natural gas,” claimed President Donald Trump in his nomination acceptance speech last week.

Biden’s proposed drilling ban on federal lands is clearly an incremental part of his plan to reduce fossil fuel consumption, the aim being to cut the carbon dioxide emissions that contribute to man-made climate change. According to the Democratic Party platform, the U.S. “must achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions as soon as possible, and no later than 2050.” Given that 2050 deadline, we shouldn’t expect him to abolish the fossil fuel industry in the next four years. But neither should we expect a President Biden to be a friend to oil, natural gas, and coal companies.

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How “Silence Is Violence” Is The Ultimate Expression Of Entitlement

How “Silence Is Violence” Is The Ultimate Expression Of Entitlement

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/01/2020 – 16:25

Authored by Jonathan Turley,

“Silence is violence” has everything that you want in a slogan: Alliteration. Brevity. Simplicity. It also can be chilling for some in the academic and free-speech communities.

On one level, it conveys a powerful message that people of good faith should not remain silent about great injustices. However, it can have a more menacing meaning to “prove the negative” – demanding that people prove they are not racist.

In a prior column, I warned of the thin line between speech codes and speech commands, as people move from compelling silence to compelling speech:

 “Once all the offending statues are down, and all the offending professors are culled, the appetite for collective suppression will become a demand for collective expression.”

The line between punishing speech and compelling speech is easily crossed when free speech itself is viewed as a threat. It is not just the many cases of journalists, academics and others fired for expressing dissenting views. Even expressing support in the wrong way can be a terminal offense, like declaring “all lives matter” rather than “Black Lives Matter,” as in the firing of University of Massachusetts-Lowell Dean of Nursing Leslie Neal-Boylan or Vermont principal Tiffany Riley. While most of us support Black Lives Matter, it has become an official position of many schools — and variations are not tolerated. The concern is not only the establishment of orthodox values but the forced recitation of those values.

We are now seeing that fear realized.

This week, a mob surrounded diners outside several Washington restaurants, shouting “White silence is violence!” and demanding that diners raise a fist to support Black Lives Matter. Various diners dutifully complied as protesters screamed inches from their faces. One did not — Lauren Victor, who later said she has marched in protests for weeks but refused to be bullied. The mob surrounded her, and Washington Post reporter Fredrick Kunkle identified a freelance journalist as one of the people yelling at Victor and demanding: “What was in you, you couldn’t do this?”

It is the very mantra of orthodoxy: Failing to utter certain words, prayers or pledges is deemed a confession of complicity or guilt.

That demand for public affirmation was on display again Thursday when Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and his wife were threatened by a mob after leaving the final event of the Republican National Convention. The couple was ordered to “Say Her Name,” referring to Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old emergency medical technician shot by police in Louisville, Ky. Notably, some media suggested the mob did not know who Paul was; they just demanded that he say the name if he wanted to pass.

Forced speech can occur in a variety of direct and indirect ways. The University of Southern Maine’s president, Glenn Cummings, proclaimed “we must never tire of declaring that Black Lives Matter” and asked students and faculty to add their names to a public anti-racism pledge. After objections, the school said it would keep the list non-public. The concern was that some faculty and students may not support Black Lives Matters as an organization, or have other disagreements with the pledge — yet, failure to be on the list would indicate they are racist, or at least not sufficiently anti-racist.

The University of California issued a “guidance document” requiring students to reject racism, sexism, xenophobia and all hateful or intolerant speech, including a mandate that students stop others from referring to the “Chinese virus” or “Wuhan virus.” While the use of those terms is controversial, it also is heavily laden with political meaning for people on both sides of the debate over the pandemic.

Syracuse University moved more directly not just to bar but to require some forms of speech. Professor Keith Alford, the university’s diversity and inclusion officer, declared students would be punished for simply witnessing “bias-motivated” incidents and “acts of hate.” That was a response to a student group’s demand for expulsion of “individuals who witnessed the event or were present, but did not take part.”

The transition from speech codes to commands is based on the same notion of “speech as harm.” Just as speech is deemed harmful (and thus subject to regulation), silence is now deemed harmful. UC Berkeley Law Professor Savala Trepczynski, executive director of the Thelton E. Henderson Center for Social Justice, wrote that “White silence is incredibly powerful … It’s not neutral. It acts like a weapon.” It is certainly not unreasonable to call out others for not supporting important causes. Indeed, I have criticized faculty for remaining silent as colleagues were attacked or fired for voicing dissent about systemic racism, police abuse or other subjects. However, once both speech and silence are deemed as equally harmful, individuals are subject to public demonstrations of faith and fealty.

Even being insufficiently alert can result in demands for termination. Nearly 2,000 people signed a petition to fire Marymount Manhattan theater arts associate professor Patricia Simon after she appeared to fall asleep briefly during an anti-racist meeting held on Zoom. Student Caitlin Gagnon started a petition which accused Simon of “ignoring … racist and sizeist actions and words of the vocal coaches under her jurisdiction.” The message seems clear: You cannot be woke if you are not awake.

The concern over speech codes becoming speech commands would have been viewed as utterly absurd just a few years ago. Now, even calls for civility in dialogue have been denounced as racist dog whistles. Trinity College professor Johnny Williams condemned those who call for civility as “uphold[ing] white supremacist heteropatriarchal capitalist power.” When MSNBC host Joe Scarborough criticized those confronting people at restaurants and called for civility, University of Mississippi Professor James Thomas denounced civility and declared: “Don’t just interrupt a senator’s meal, y’all. Put your whole damn fingers in their salads.”

It is the ultimate expression of entitlement: People either must conform to your values or face public condemnation and threats.

Your salad is no more inviolate than your speech. 

In a world where silence is violence and civility is complicity, there is little room for true free speech.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/2QJk2Qj Tyler Durden

“Option Insanity” Leads To Furious Meltup: Apple Bigger Than Russell, Emini New Record High

“Option Insanity” Leads To Furious Meltup: Apple Bigger Than Russell, Emini New Record High

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/01/2020 – 16:04

For better or worse, the market continues to be defined by AAPL, which today crossed a historic threshold when thanks to its latest 4% ramp, it surpassed the entire market cap of the Russell 2000.

This is how AAPL now looks compared to all the public small cap companies:

As discussed earlier, the chief reason for the relentless AAPL surge in recent weeks has been the so-called “option insanity” as the company’s implied vol has been rising alongside the stock.

And while the AAPL ramp accelerated, in no small part thanks to another price target increase this time from BofA, the other stock that has come to define market euphoria, Tesla, saw its rally halted after the company announced a $5BN “At the market” equity offering.

Yet even with today’s 4.5% drop, TSLA is now back to levels last seen… yesterday.

Meanwhile, due to the outsized impact of AAPL on the Nasdaq, the tech index was up more than 1% even with a second consecutive day in which decliners far outpaced advancing stocks.

Predictably, Nasdaq breadth continued to sink, with the number of tech companies trading below their 200DMA dropping below 50%, and just over half trading above their 50DMA.

One more chart showing what Michael Krause called the biggest bubble in history: on a dollar basis, the turnover in tech names as retail investors and delta-(un)hedged dealers flood in, is simply stunning.

To be sure, it wasn’t just tech names with Walmart’s 7% surge boosting the Dow Jones Industrial Average which is also rapidly approaching its all time high thanks…

… to a large extent stellar Markit and ISM manufacturing PMI readings which saw the New Orders surge to the highest level since 2004 (even as employment remains deep in contraction)…

… this failed to spark a broad reflation wave, with yields on the 10Y Treasury sliding 3bps and declining for the 3rd day in a row.

And since breakevens actually dropped today despite the strong eco data, this means that real rates also slumped back to their post-crisis lows of -1.08%, hardly the stuff the Fed’s AIT mandate wants to see.

Yet while real rates slumped to new cycle lows, gold – which has tracked real rates very closely for much of the past decade – failed to make a new high above $2,000.

How come? Perhaps due to expectations that the dollar is oversold and will squeeze higher, a glimpse of which we caught today when after sliding to fresh 2 year lows, the Bloomberg dollar index jumped back to green on the day shortly after the EURUSD briefly rose above 1.20

Unfortunately, one can look at the macro until one is blue in the fact in hopes of deciphering the market, the sad reality is that for all intent and purposes, only Apple and Tesla continue to matter, and until there is a decisive breach in the upward trajectory of both, the melt up will only accelerate as we are now well in the blow off top phase, as the action in the EMini in the last minute of trading showed so clear, when the S&P future surged by 10 points in seconds despite a $1.3 billion MOC imbalance for sale, just so the ES could hit a new record high on the back of another massive gamma squeeze.

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State Department Illegally Monitored Trump Jr., Hannity, Ingraham, Posobiec And Others From Kiev: FOIA

State Department Illegally Monitored Trump Jr., Hannity, Ingraham, Posobiec And Others From Kiev: FOIA

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/01/2020 – 15:53

The US State Department illegally monitored the social media accounts of 13 conservative Americans, including Donald Trump Jr., Sean Hannity, Laura Ingraham, Lou Dobbs and Jack Posobiec, according to Just The News, citing memos scheduled to be turned over to Judicial Watch

The surveillance operation, which began in March 2019, was run out of the US Embassy in Kiev while under the command of then-Ambassador (and impeachment witness) Marie Yovanovitch, after journalist John Solomon began publishing stories about the embassy’s activities at The Hill and on Fox News, according to Solomon.

When the embassy sought help from the State Department in Washington to use a contractor called Crowd Tangle to continue the social media monitoring, it was advised the activities were “barred by federal law,” an official familiar with the documents told Just the News. The embassy ceased the activities and asked for training about the issue, the official said.

While the released documents will have some information redacted, they will identify the 13 Americans whose accounts were targeted and confirm that some officials were aware of the monitoring, the officials said.

Those monitored also include Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani, Judicial Watch president Tom Fitton, Sebatstion Gorka, and Fox News personalities Sara Carter and Dan Bongino, according to the report.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3bgKwC0 Tyler Durden

NIH Attacks FDA Over ‘Premature’ Approval Of ‘Trump-Backed’ Convalescent Plasma

NIH Attacks FDA Over ‘Premature’ Approval Of ‘Trump-Backed’ Convalescent Plasma

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/01/2020 – 15:33

Whatever is left of the FDA’s credibility after director Dr. Stephen Hahn claimed that the agency would happily approve a COVID-19 vaccine before Phase 3 trials are finished if it felt “appropriate”, a panel of experts at the National Institutes of Health, another agency in America’s immense public health bureaucracy, have directly repudiated one of the FDA’s most “controversial” findings.

In an analysis of an FDA decision calling for emergency authorization of convalescent plasma as a means of treating COVID-19, the panel of experts convened by the NIH ruled that there wasn’t enough evidence to back up the FDA’s claims.

Of course, Dr. Hahn has already apologized for his decision to fast-track approvals for convalescent plasma, saying it was wrong to cave to political pressures, and that the FDA must remain outside of political influence. Dr. Hahn granted his emergency approval of the medication on Aug. 23, the Sunday before the start of the Republican National Convention.

Then again, the experts didn’t rule against plasma as a potential treatment, they simply argued that what little data has been collected so far is hardly conclusive.

“There are currently no data from well-controlled, adequately powered randomized clinical trials that demonstrate the efficacy and safety of convalescent plasma for the treatment of COVID-19,” the NIH group said in a statement.

“There are insufficient data to recommend either for or against the use of convalescent plasma for the treatment of COVID-19.”

As more states mull the possibility of insisting on mandatory COVID-19 vaccinations for students and workers – Joe Biden is already vehemently in favor of mandatory mask laws, and attacked vaccine skeptics as “anti-science” – this is just the latest chilling reminder that “science” doesn’t always speak with one voice, and that when it comes to experimental treatments, there are many factors that must be weighed.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3lME1vN Tyler Durden

Biden Denies He Will Ban Fracking

BidenPittsburgh

“I am not banning fracking. Let me say that again. I am not banning fracking,” declared Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden in a speech in Pittsburgh yesterday. “No matter how many times Donald Trump lies about me.”

He sounded a somewhat different note during a debate back in March. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) declared that he was “talking about stopping fracking as soon as we possibly can. I’m talking about telling the fossil fuel industry that they are going to stop destroying this planet—no ifs, buts, and maybes about it.” Biden responded, “So am I.” He also said “no new fracking” and “No more drilling on federal lands. No more drilling, including offshore.”

After the debate that night, Biden’s campaign declared that the candidate had misspoken and had actually meant to just reiterate his policy of “banning new oil and gas permitting on public lands and waters.” This would obviously stop any new fracking on those lands, as well as conventional drilling on federal lands and waters. This proposal somewhat mirrors President Barack Obama’s December 2016 order banning oil and gas drilling off the Atlantic and Arctic coasts as well as selected federal onshore areas.

The vast majority of U.S. oil and natural gas production takes place on private lands, and so would not be subject to Biden’s proposed leasing ban. More specifically, Biden’s ban would have no effect on private leasing and production in swing electoral states like Pennsylvania and Ohio.

Production on federal lands and offshore is not insignificant, though. According to a 2018 Congressional Research Service report, about 24 percent of oil and 13 percent of natural gas production occurs on federal lands and offshore.

“Biden has promised to abolish the production of American oil, coal, shale, and natural gas,” claimed President Donald Trump in his nomination acceptance speech last week.

Biden’s proposed drilling ban on federal lands is clearly an incremental part of his plan to reduce fossil fuel consumption, the aim being to cut the carbon dioxide emissions that contribute to man-made climate change. According to the Democratic Party platform, the U.S. “must achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions as soon as possible, and no later than 2050.” Given that 2050 deadline, we shouldn’t expect him to abolish the fossil fuel industry in the next four years. But neither should we expect a President Biden to be a friend to oil, natural gas, and coal companies.

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