A Special Festivus Airing of Grievances from the Reason Roundtable Podcast

Though it sometimes feels here at Reason like every day is Festivus—at least the Airing of Grievances part, if not quite the Feats of Strength—it is also true that the Seinfeld-concocted holiday comes every December 23. That means two things: 1) the annual tweet-storm from Sen. Rand Paul (R–Ky.) and, if it falls on a Monday, 2) a Festivus-themed episode of the Reason Roundtable podcast.

Nick Gillespie, Peter Suderman, Katherine Mangu-Ward, and Matt Welch huck darts at, among many other targets, last week’s “bucket of garbage” budget deal, our brand new Space Force, Democratic presidential candidates, cigarette prohibitionists, presidential cultists, trade warriors, governor sons of governors, nu-trad-con manifesto writers, would-be campaign-finance regulators, politicians who can’t stop yammering about baseball, and whichever alien force lives inside Nick Gillespie’s mouth robotically dispensing Zardoz references. There’s even a shocking twist or two near the end, so be here now until the final second, if time even exists.

Audio production by Ian Keyser and Regan Taylor.

Music: “Dance Of The Sugar Plum Fairies” by Tchaikovsky

Relevant links from the show:

A Special Reason Festivus Airing of the Grievances: Podcast,” by Matt Welch

‘Until You Pin Me, George, Festivus Is Not Over!’” by Jesse Walker

Peace, Love, and Misunderstanding,” by Jacob Sullum

Bipartisan ‘Bucket of Garbage’ Budget Bill Contains $50 Billion in Special Interest Tax Breaks,” by Eric Boehm

Republicans, Democrats Agree to Dump $738 Billion More Into the Forever War and Space Force,” by Elizabeth Nolan Brown

Even in Impeachment-Crazed D.C., It’s Always a Good Time To Borrow and Spend!” by Nick Gillespie

America’s Forgotten Debt,” by John Stossel

Here’s the One Book All the Democratic Candidates (and President Trump) Should Read,” by Nick Gillespie

Democrats Still Fundraising Off Citizens United, Still Wrong About What It Means,” by Elizabeth Nolan Brown

Warren and Buttigieg Spar Over Who Has the Purest Donors,” by Scott Shackford

The Cult of the Presidency,” by Gene Healy

House-Passed Budget Deal Raises Age To Buy Cigarettes to 21,” by Christian Britschgi

It Wasn’t Just a Chokehold That Killed Eric Garner,” by Jacob Sullum

This Week Is a Crucial Final Exam Capping the Second Year of Trump’s Trade Wars,” by Eric Boehm

The New Trustbusters Are Coming for Big Tech,” by Thomas W. Hazlett

The Moral Scolds of the New Illiberal Right Are Coming For Your Internet,” by Peter Suderman

New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to State Economy: ‘Drop Dead,’” by Nick Gillespie

The Five Faces of Jerry Brown,” by Jesse Walker

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The 2010s Were a Terrible Decade for Housing Construction

A lot of things happened in the past 10 years. A boom in housing construction was not one of them. The 2010s will go down as a decade of historically low housing starts, resulting in higher home prices and rents for some and longer commutes for others.

Last week, Freddie Mae Deputy Chief Economist Len Keifer tweeted out a graph comparing new housing starts over the past six decades. The results are startling.

In the past 10 years, construction started for 9.8 million new housing units in the U.S. That compares to 15.4 million units in the last decade and 13.7 million in the decade before that. (Keifer notes that those numbers don’t include manufactured housing, a traditional source of low-income housing. It increased a little, but not enough to change the pattern.)

The national numbers match what we’ve seen in some of the highest-cost housing markets in the country.

New York City added 509,000 housing units, or about 2.2 units per new job, from 2001 to 2008, according to a recent report from the city’s Department of Planning. It added only 457,000 units, or .5 new units per new job, from 2009 to 2018.

In 2018, the Californian authorities permitted 117,892 new units of housing for the state’s nearly 40 million residents, according to California’s Department of Finance. By comparison, the Golden State issued 131,732 housing permits in 1975 (the earliest year data is available), despite having only 21.5 million residents.

The question isn’t whether government regulation has constrained supply. Rather its which government regulations have restricted supply the most.

Some scholars like to point to zoning restrictions that prevent developers from constructing taller, denser apartment buildings in high-demand urban areas. Others stress urban growth boundaries that block new suburban housing.

On top of this are historical preservation laws, environmental regulations, and prevailing wage requirements for construction workers. Whatever their other policy merits may be these all increase the costs of building new homes.

“The bigger background narrative is NIMBYism generally,” says Salim Furth, an urban policy expert at the Mercatus Center. “It’s not that localities have planned for housing and have just done it in a way that doesn’t produce quite enough. There’s a visceral ‘just don’t build anything here’ attitude that is prevailing in most American suburbs today.”

A 2016 National Association of Home Builders (NAHB) study estimates that regulatory costs have increased the price of a new single-family home by 30 percent in the first half of the decade. Another NAHB study found that regulations account for a third of new multifamily regulatory costs.

The people who bear the burden of these regulations are renters and new home purchasers who find themselves shelling out more money for the same amount of housing.

An October report from Apartment List put the percentage of cost-burdened renters (those paying more than 30 percent of their income in rent) at just under 50 percent. In 1960 only 24 percent of renters were cost-burdened. Some have chosen to save on housing by spending more time behind the wheel: The Washington Post reports that Americans commuting longer than ever before.

Policy makers are starting to wake up to the problem of a government-induced housing affordability crisis. Occasionally they are even passing good policies.

California has significantly deregulated the construction of granny flats, resulting in a massive spike in the construction of those units in places like Los Angeles. Seattle has done the same, while also upzoning some city neighborhoods to allow for denser residential and commercial development. Oregon and Minneapolis both abolished single-family-only zoning laws.

Alas, these reforms have often been coupled with counterproductive price controls. Both California and Oregon passed caps on rental price increases this year. New York similarly strengthened pre-existing limits on rent increases in New York City. It has also given local governments the authority to pass their own rent control laws.

On balance, Furth believes housing policy is moving in the right direction at the federal and state level. But he thinks that is counteracted at the local level, where the trend is toward giving planners more power to micromanage what new housing will look like.

“That allows local elected officials to have a seat at the table designing and planning everything. They have certain priorities that never include affordability,” Furth tells Reason. Local governments have an incentive, he says, to boost tax revenue above all else. That leads them to zone for higher-quality housing that will attract wealthy residents who pay a lot in taxes but consume few services.

In California, the high levels of discretion built into the permitting process allows activists and other self-interested parties to slow down new development. But other cities, such as Des Moines, are moving in the direction of zoning for higher-quality, higher-priced homes.

Some cities, such as Houston, have managed to stay affordable despite tremendous growth precisely because local officials have decided not to micromanage what new housing will look like or where it can be built.

Getting other cities to embrace a lighter-touch regulatory approach requires policy changes. It also requires people to accept having less control over what other people do with their property.

“We need to change the way that we think about property and neighbors,” says Furth. “We have a pattern of thinking that is just going to lead to worse and worse outcomes.”

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Ron Paul: How Congress & The Fed Stole Christmas

Ron Paul: How Congress & The Fed Stole Christmas

Authored by Ron Paul via The Ron Paul Institute for Peace & Prosperity,

The bickering over impeachment did not stop the president and Congress from coming together last week to avert a government shutdown by passing a 1.4 trillion dollar spending package.

The bipartisan agreement has something for everyone — a 22 billion dollars increase to bring total spending on militarism to 738 billion dollars, and a 27 billion dollars increase to bring total spending on domestic programs to 632 billion dollars. It also imposes a national ban on selling tobacco products, including e-cigarettes, to anyone under 21.

The agreement was split into two bills. Both bills were unveiled last Monday afternoon. The bills passed the House on Tuesday, so only the House leadership and the members of the Appropriations Committee (and their staffs) who helped write the over 2,000-page deal had any idea what was in the bills. But most members voted for the spending bills because they were fearful of backlash over another Christmastime government shutdown. House leadership simply “waived” the rule requiring that all legislation be available at least three days before being voted upon.

The modern practice of funding the government via gigantic omnibus bills that are rushed into law puts the growth of government on autopilot. This practice also gives the president more influence over the budget, violating the spirit, if not the letter, of the Constitution’s grant of authority to Congress to appropriate funds, which was intended as a check on executive power.

Meanwhile, the Federal Reserve continues pumping billions into the repurchasing market. When the Fed began injecting money into the market in September, it said intervention was a temporary measure to address a short-term liquidity shortage. Three months later, the Fed is not only continuing to bail out the repurchasing market, it is preparing for other bailouts. This is further evidence that we are on the verge of another Fed-created economic crisis.

When the crisis hits, the best thing the Fed could do is not to lower interest rates below the levels set by the market. This would allow consumers, businesses, and government to liquidate their debt and restore a sound foundation for future growth. If the Fed did not interfere with the painful but necessary correction, it would only be a short time before a real economic boom commenced.

The Federal Reserve is unlikely to follow this path because of the short-term pain it would cause debt-ridden consumers and, more importantly, the pain it would cause politicians who would be forced to cut spending and/or raise taxes. But continuing to artificially lower interest rates will inevitably result in an economic crisis brought about by a rejection of the dollar’s world reserve currency status.

The Federal Reserve’s manipulation of interest rates depreciates the dollar’s value, enabling the growth of the welfare-warfare state while enriching the insiders who receive the new money before prices rise. The brunt of dollar depreciation is felt by middle- and working-class Americans whose paychecks do not keep up with the rising cost of living.

Inflation is nothing more than a hidden and regressive tax. Auditing and ending the Fed should thus be a top priority of those concerned about rising income inequality and poverty, as well as those dreaming of a Christmas free of 2,000-page omnibus spending bills.


Tyler Durden

Mon, 12/23/2019 – 15:30

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Morgan Stanley Sees Melt-Up Lasting Until April, After Which Markets Will “Confront World With No Fed Support”

Morgan Stanley Sees Melt-Up Lasting Until April, After Which Markets Will “Confront World With No Fed Support”

When laying out the performance of the market in 2019, Morgan Stanley delineated three distinct phases, with the third and most important one starting in mid-September, which has seen the S&P rise almost in a straight line since…

… and which just happened to coincide with the period in which the Fed announced that in response to the broken repo market (which as a reminder only “broke” because JPMorgan decided it should “break“), it will inject tens of billions if liquidity into the market via both repos and directly Bill purchases.

And speaking of liquidity injections, since mid-September, the Fed has actively injected $237 billion via “temporary” repos and $147 billion via not so temporary Bill purchases, and which Zoltan Pozsar believes will soon convert into all out coupon purchases (i.e., QE4) to prevent an even more catastrophic lockup in the repo market.

Now, we also know that in order to delay the repo market doomsday so vividly described by Credit Suisse strategist Zoltan Pozsar, the Fed has vowed to backstop about $500 billion in liquidity between mid-December and mid-january, which means that one month from now, the Fed’s balance sheet will likely have breached its previous record and reach new all time highs.

Of course, it’s not just the Fed: as Bank of America noted recently, central banks are currently “cutting like it’s a crisis.” Of course, there is no crisis… unless one defines a crisis where the S&P doesn’t rise by 20 points every single day.

Meanwhile, recall that the Fed’s “NOT QE” will continue “at least into the second quarter of next year” as the New York Fed explained back in October.

And, one final observations: since the launch of the Feds’ “NOT QE” on Oct 11, every week that the Fed’s balance sheet has risen, so has the S&P500… and vice versa, on the one occasion the two contracted together.

Extrapolating this unprecedented correlation, means that as long as the Fed’s balance sheet is rising, so will the S&P500.

Putting this all together reveals the following picture:

  1. The Fed will continue to inject anywhere between $60-100 billion each month through Bill purchases and repos, with a burst of liquidity injections taking place now through mid-January.
  2. Every week that the Fed’s balance sheet increases, so does the market, and vice versa.
  3. The Fed’s Balance Sheet will continue to increase for at least another 4-5 months.

What does this mean for stock prices? Well, unless something drastic changes in the next few weeks, it likely means that the “supernova market” forecast by BofA’s Michael Hartnett, which sees the S&P hitting 3,333 by 3/3 (March 3), may prove conservative. Recall that last week we noted that “BOfA expects returns to be front-loaded in 2020, with the S&P500 hitting 3,333 by March 3rd, and the 10Y Treasury rising to 2.2% by 2/2 (Feb 2).”

Of course, as Hartnett cautions, such front-loaded returns – which are entirely on the back of the Fed’s latest QE – will reverse as soon the Fed tapers the current massive liquidity injection, and will go into sharp reverse once the Fed is forced to shrink its balance sheet.

Morgan Stanley echoes this worry, and in the year’s final report by the bank’s cross-asset expert Andrew Sheets, he writes that the bank’s interest rate strategists “expect the Fed to expand its balance sheet through April/May.” That also roughly coincides with BofA’s 3,333 target which will mark the market top for the current cycle.

What happens then? Here’s Morgan Stanley again:

After that, markets may once again have to confront a world with limited trade progress and no further Fed support.

Where we disagree with Morgan Stanley is the concept of a world with “no further Fed support” because if there is anything 2018 taught us is that a modest, 20% bear market is more than enough to crush any hawkish sentiment among all Fed members and force a complete policy reversal, not just in the US but across the globe. This will be even more so in an election year where Trump slams any drop in the market as the Fed’s fault.

As such while we agree that the market meltup may continue until April or May, we are not so sure the Fed will no longer support it beyond that date; after all, the economy is now the market, and while a garden variety bear market would ensure a recession, a crash such as the one needed to wipe out the central bank excesses of the past decade, would result in the biggest global depression ever. Which is why the status quo will never allow it to happen, and such a “market event” would only be possible in a time of great social and political upheaval.


Tyler Durden

Mon, 12/23/2019 – 15:10

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Italian Prosecutors Believe Joseph Mifsud – The Man Who Started RussiaGate – “Is Dead”

Italian Prosecutors Believe Joseph Mifsud – The Man Who Started RussiaGate – “Is Dead”

UPDATE: George Papadopolous responded to the reports that Italian prosecutors in Agrigento, Sicily believe the Maltese Professor Joseph Mifsud is dead.

“Lil Joey Mifsud is not sleeping with the fishes,” Tweeted Papadopolous. “More to come.”

*  *  *

Via SaraACarter.com,

What happened to Joseph Mifsud? It is the biggest mystery surrounding the man that allegedly began the FBI’s probe into President Donald Trump’s campaign and the now debunked theory that campaign officials conspired with Russia in the 2016 election.

A new story out of Italy suggests that an infamous audio file allegedly sent by Mifsud to two Italian papers is believed to be fake, according to reporters who had it analyzed by one of Italy’s top forensic experts. The audio file is not the same deposition audio file that is in the possession of the Department of Justice and the Senate Judiciary Committee, in which Mifsud allegedly describes the work he was doing and why he targeted George Papadopoulos. The last anyone has heard from Mifsud was the Spring of 2018.

Department of Justice officials declined to comment to SaraACarter.com on the ongoing investigation or Mifsud.

However, a detailed story by the reputable and well known Italian news outlet Il Giornale, Italian journalists Roberto Vivaldelli and Mauro Indelicato, suggest that sources within the Agrigento Public Prosecution office, who brought charges on Mifsud in another criminal matter associated with his work at a public university in Italy, believe he is dead. Their story is published in English at Il Giornale’s blog site Inside Over.

Sources interviewed from the Italian prosecutors office, told the journalists that they believe there is an “80 percent” chance that Mifsud is no longer alive.

I spoke to Roberto Vivaldelli Friday, and he affirmed that the newest details regarding Mifsud came as a result of their investigation into Mifsud’s time as president of a university in the southern Italian city of Agrigento, Sicily. Currently, prosecutor’s in Agriengento, Sicily are investigating Mifsud’s alleged misuse of university finances and unexplained expenses.

“Mifsud is under investigation for his management of the university and for some crazy expenses,” Vivaldelli told me.

“From the information we have gathered, the Italian prosecutors are convinced that the professor is most likely not alive.”

Vivaldelli said a person sent an audio file to the offices of two Italian newspapers last November 11, “but according to an expert we consulted this audio is fake. I personally think it’s incredible that no one knows where Mifsud is, alive or dead.”

According to Vivaldelli the sources at the Agrigento prosecutors office did not divulge details as to why they believe he’s dead.

What we do know is that Attorney General William Barr and Connecticut prosecutor John Durham have opened a criminal investigation into the matter. Mifsud, the Maltese professor, who befriended former Trump campaign advisor George Papadopolous and informed him that the Russians had obtained Hillary Clinton’s missing emails is at the center of the controversy.

If anyone has answers into what really happened with the FBI’s investigation it would be him. It was allegedly Mifsud’s tipoff about the Russians having Clinton’s emails that was the beginning of the investigation. The former FBI officials stated that it was when Papadopolous discussed what he had been told by Mifsud with Australian Ambassador Alexander Downer that the counterintelligence investigation began. They bureau agents claimed it was the pretext to opening the Crossfire Hurricane investigation into the campaign on July, 2016.

But now we know different and there is enough information surfacing to suspect that Mifsud did not have ties to Russia but was a western intelligence asset, as suggested by his attorney Stephan Roh, in an article written by John Solomon.

Whether, Mifsud is in hiding for his own safety is not known. Why the Italian prosecutors believe he is dead has not been explained, but the work done by these two Italian journalists is very thorough. It’s another piece of the puzzle in understanding the mysterious Mifsud – what role he played and what may of actually happened to him.

This article is english translation of “Mifsud ora è un giallo. Il sospetto in procura: quasi certamente morto”, first published by IL-GIORNALE in Italy.

In the city of temples it seems that everybody has now dumped him. In Agrigento, where the Maltese professor was president of the local university consortium, a full-blown race is on to take the most distance from him. The reference is to Joseph Mifsud, a key figure in Russiagate, who has been missing since October 2017.

Nobody knew anything

Mifsud arrived in Agrigento in April 2010 and was presented at the seat of the provincial government as the new president of the University Consortium. At the time the province was the largest shareholder in the body so a substantial number of the political decisions depended on what today the Region of Sicily knows as the “free consortium of municipalities”. The promotor of his appointment to the Agrigento university consortium was Eugenio D’Orsi, President of the Province from 2008 until 2013, the last before the body was wound up by Rosario Crocetta. “Mifsud – D’Orsi explained in the last few days – had given hope to Agrigento. He was a brilliant person, with unlimited knowledge and we wanted to bring Sicily to the world. The lecturer put me in touch with Malta, and we were about to build the airport thanks to that. That was the best side of him”.

Then, according to the former president of the province, something changed: “In the second part of the experience with him he was, and I will say this bluntly, a charlatan”, D’Orsi said in the interview mentioned above. The same former President then confirmed that the decision to select Mifsud was at the time backed by all the shareholders of the consortium, in other words also by the city council of Agrigento, the Chamber of Commerce and the University di Palermo. But today, as mentioned above, there is a race to dump the Maltese professor first. The city council of Agrigento has, through the current mayor, Lillo Firetto, in the last few days announced that the body has entered a civil claim in the proceeding brought by the Public Prosecution Office of Agrigento in relation to the “crazy expenses” incurred by Mifsud during his presidency.

The proceeding was brought after complaints had been submitted by Giovanni Di Maida, the current commissioner of the university consortium but at the time already a member of the board of directors. He also said he did not notice anything and that he heard Mifsud explaining that he made his trips abroad in order to enter into agreements with other foreign universities. These agreements were never concluded, Di Maida is at pains to point out. As, however, pointed out by Felice Cavallaro in Corriere Della Sera, “perhaps Di Maida, who was on the board of directors with professors Maria Immordino and Gianfranco Tuzzolino, could also have had some concerns a few years ago”. Like the other people involved, however, it was only recently that he noticed the “crazy expenses”: “Everything went through two functionaries of the Consortium who said nothing, a lady who is now retired and an office worker whom they had transferred from nearby Licata”, Di Maida explained.

In a nutshell, in Agrigento nobody had noticed anything or at least that is the explanation of the people involved. Gaps in the financial statements, strange telephone calls, suspicious trips and lengthy absences from Agrigento are the items of evidence that have only now emerged, just when Mifsud’s name is no longer confined to the local news. And it is only now, from a political point of view, that everybody in the city has begun to take a distance from the Maltese professor.

The suspicion harboured by the Public Prosecution Office
There is, however, another aspect that is destined to cast a larger shadow on the matter. It was the public prosecutors of Agrigento that brought proceedings against Mifsud, guilty of putting the university consortium into the red. Perhaps somebody helped the Maltese professor to cause the financial disaster. The public prosecution office would also like to find out about this in its investigation. The problem, however, and this is the thing that stands out most at the moment, is that Mifsud cannot be traced. As mentioned at the beginning of the article, there has been no trace of him since 2017, in other words for more than two years: “The Agrigento Public Prosecution Office has activated the procedures for the service of process but they are very complex because, amongst other things, the suspects are people who may no longer be alive”, according to a report by the Italian news agency AGI a few days ago.

But even more well-founded suspicions have been leaked from the Public Prosecution Office in the last few hours. There are growing rumours that the Agrigento Public Prosecution Service are now almost certain that the person they are investigating will in future have no chance to defend himself either in a court of law or at a political level: “It is highly likely that Mifsud is dead”, a source at the Agrigento Palace of Justice has confirmed. “We are talking an 80% possibility”.

The suspicion about the fate of Mifsud
There is further evidence that leads us to speculate that Joseph Mifsud may – and the use of the conditional is of course obligatory – no longer be alive, just to return to the rumours just mentioned. Even if it is obvious that we hope that this will not prove the case. We are talking about the mysterious audio file sent to the editors of Adnkronos and Il Corriere della Sera: “I hope you will make my words known, please listen to the attached files”, says the voice of a person who describes himself as Joseph Mifsud and who, on 11 November 2019, made those statements.

However, an expert – one of the best qualified in Italy – whom we had listen to the audio files is in no doubt: the voice is not that of the professor. “I am convinced that the audio file is fake and the person is not Professor Joseph Mifsud“. That is the view of the expert in forensic sciences, one of the most important in Italy working in the field, whom Inside Over contacted through Cristina Sartori, a court registered handwriting expert at the Court of Trento. The expert compared the audio file sent by the supposed Mifsud to the press agency Adnkronos and to Corriere della Sera, with two videos on Youtube in which the lecturer is heard speaking.

The analysis by the expert that we contacted is extremely interesting: “It was recorded with a microphone attached to the collar in a very large space, connected directly to the computer, there is a lot of echo”, she explained to InsideOver. “In the audio file sent to the Italian newspapers – she comments – you can also hear the voice of a woman towards the end who says 22”. The person in the audio message, she continues, “does not have the same intonation as the true Mifsud in the videos, who dragged his vowels because of his breathing. This thing is never in the audio file and I am quite convinced it is fake”. His lawyer, Stephan Roh, had also denied, in comments made to Adnkronos, that the person who made the audio message was the Maltese lecturer: “It is absolutely fake, 100 per cent”. Roh said: “The voice is too high, it is not his accent, not his tone, he seems like a true Italian”.

At this point, assuming that the handwriting expert is actually right (as we believe), the question must be asked: why would someone have made a fake audio message? There are two possibilities: either the Maltese lecturer is still in hiding – who knows where – or, in the worst case scenario, we are talking about a person who is possibly no longer alive. The last person who saw him in Rome told Panorama that “Joe has a nice apartment in Parioli, I last saw him there. It was March 2018”, the source explained. “That [Joseph Mifsud] disappeared in 2017 I read in the newspapers. I saw him again for the last time in Parioli, close to Piazza Euclide, where Joe had a nice apartment”. And then?


Tyler Durden

Mon, 12/23/2019 – 14:55

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‘Stop Playing Games’: Graham Warns Pelosi Senate May ‘Strike Back’ Over Impeachment Debacle

‘Stop Playing Games’: Graham Warns Pelosi Senate May ‘Strike Back’ Over Impeachment Debacle

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham (R-SC) said on Monday that the “Constitutional outrage” by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) “needs to end,” and that if it continues into 2020, “the Senate needs to strike back.”

The Senate will decide how we dispose of this sham created by the house,” Graham tweeted, referring to the impasse created by Pelosi – who is refusing to transmit two articles of impeachment against President Trump until the Senate agrees to her terms.

President Trump also had words for Pelosi on Monday after the Speaker called for “fairness” in a Senate trial.

“Pelosi gives us the most unfair trial in the history of the U.S. Congress, and now she is crying for fairness in the Senate, and breaking all rules while doing so,” Trump tweeted, adding “She lost Congress once, she will do it again!”

Pelosi says she will only transmit the impeachment articles to the Senate after Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) announces the process they will use for Trump’s trial.

McConnell has advocated for a similar process to Bill Clinton’s 1999 impeachment, which included an initial agreement to first hear the case, followed by a vote on whether to call witnesses.

Speaking with “Fox and Friends” on Monday, McConnell said “we’re at an impasse” and “we can’t do anything until the speaker sends the papers over, so everybody enjoy the holidays.”

McConnell blasted Pelosi for trying to “tell us how to run the trial.”

“Look, what we need to do is to listen to the arguments, have a written questioning period, and then decide whether we need witnesses or not,” McConnell said, adding that some Republican senators “have said, ‘I am thinking of myself as a juror,'” while others believe “the case against President Trump is very thin.” –NBC News

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) has pushed for a single resolution that would outline the parameters for presenting the case, as well as allow for the calling of witnesses such as John Bolton, acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney, and two other advisers.

Republicans, meanwhile, want former Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter to testify over alleged corruption, after President Trump asked Ukrainian President Volodomyr Zelensky to investigate several claims.

 


Tyler Durden

Mon, 12/23/2019 – 14:35

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Jim Kunstler: Christmas In Flyover-Land

Jim Kunstler: Christmas In Flyover-Land

Authored by James Howard Kunstler via Kunstler.com,

Last year, a local guy started renovating a restaurant on Main Street that has been shuttered for at least fifteen years. He’d retired from the army and started a company that made a fortune clearing landmines in faraway lands where US nation-building plans went awry. Wasn’t that a ripe business opportunity! He’s from here and loves the village and married his high school sweetheart — and would like the place to come back to life.

He’s partnered up with another guy who intends to open a bistro with a bar, a fireplace, and supposedly a boutique distillery operation in the back. That would give some people in town a reason to leave the house at 5 o’clock in the afternoon, when the day’s work is done — people like me who work alone all day. It could also give the citizens of this community a comfortable place to talk to each other about their lives and the place where we all live, and what we might do about things here. That’s called local politics.

I’ll refrain from tossing off judgments about the exterior treatment for now. Draw your own conclusions. I haven’t seen the inside and there’s butcher paper taped up on the windows while they finish in there. It looks like they’ll open early in the new year. There hasn’t been a comfortable public gathering place on Main Street in a long time. There’s a “tasting room” at a local small brewery down the block, but it’s hardly bigger than a couple of broom-closets and the New York Liquor Authority has an asinine regulation that literally forbids comfortable seating in such a designated establishment. Stools only. And only a few of those. What kind of culture does that to itself?

Ours apparently. When you get down to it, the sickness at the heart of our nation these days is the result of countless bad choices, large and small, that we’ve made collectively over decades, including the ones made by our elected officialdom. The good news is that we could potentially move in the opposite direction and start making better choices. However deficient and unappetizing you think Mr. Trump is, and how crudely unorthodox his behavior, that equation is what got enough people to vote for him.

The strenuous efforts to antagonize him, disable him, and get rid of him by any means necessary — including police-state tactics, bad faith inquisitions, and outright sedition — have prevented the nation as a whole from entertaining a realistic new consensus for making better choices. In fact, it has achieved just the opposite: a near civil war, edition 2.0.

All the people of America, including the flyovers, are responsible for the sad situation we’re in: this failure to reestablish a common culture of values most people can subscribe to and use it to rebuild our towns into places worth caring about. Main Street, as it has come to be, is the physical manifestation of that failure. The businesses that used to occupy the storefronts are gone, except for second-hand stores. Nobody in 1952 would have believed this could happen. And yet, there it is: the desolation is stark and heartbreaking. Even George Bailey’s “nightmare” scene in It’s a Wonderful Life depicts the supposedly evil Pottersville as a very lively place, only programmed for old-fashioned wickedness: gin mills and streetwalkers. Watch the movie and see for yourself. Pottersville is way more appealing than 99 percent of America’s small towns today, dead as they are.

The dynamics that led to this are not hard to understand. The concentration of retail commerce in a very few gigantic corporations was a swindle that the public fell for. Enthralled like little children by the dazzle and gigantism of the big boxes, and the free parking, we allowed ourselves to be played. The excuse was “bargain shopping,” which actually meant we have sent the factories to distant lands and eliminated your jobs, and all the meaning and purpose in your lives — and cheap stuff from Asia is your consolation prize. Enjoy…

The “bones” of the village are still standing but the programming for the organism of a community is all gone: gainful employment, social roles in the life of the place, confidence in the future. For a century starting in 1850, there were at least five factories in town. They made textiles and later on, paper products and, in the end, toilet paper, ironically enough. Yes, really. They also made a lot of the sod-busting steel ploughs that opened up the Midwest, and cotton shirts, and other stuff. The people worked hard for their money, but it was pretty good money by world standards for most of those years. It allowed them to eat well, sleep in a warm house, and raise children, which is a good start for any society. The village was rich with economic and social niches, and yes, it was hierarchical, but people tended to find the niche appropriate to their abilities and aspirations — and, believe it or not, it is better to have a place in society than to have no place at all, which is the sad situation for so many today. Homelessness in America runs way deeper than just the winos and drug addicts living on the big city sidewalks.

I’ve written a ton about the bad choice of suburbanizing the USA and all its subsidiary ill-effects, and yet it’s a subject so rich that you can hardly exhaust it. It has produced an entropic wasting disease on our country so complex in symptoms that all the certified PhD economists and sociologists of the Ivy League and the land-grant diploma mills can barely diagnose the illness, or calculate the pain it has caused. Not a small part of this is the utter and abject absence of artistry expressed in the places we’ve built since 1945.

Our Main Street flaunts that boldly. The 1960-vintage post office looks like a soviet lunch-counter — or, more specifically, the box that it came in. What were they thinking? The video store looks like a muffler shop. The graceful four-story hotel that stood at the absolute center of town, and burned down in 1957, was replaced by a one-story drive-in bank. The façade re-doos of the 1970s and 80s display a mindboggling array of bad choices in claddings, colors, proportioning, and embellishment. It’s as if the entire world of aesthetics had died in the canebrakes of the Solomon Islands in 1944, and afterward nobody realized that something in America had gone missing. It’s particularly dismaying when you see the efforts that earlier generations made to instill some beauty in the things they built, with a few examples still standing for all to wonder at and dote on.

The damage done can be undone. It’s really a question of what it might take and that’s a big question because it will almost surely take a shock to the system. That shock could come as soon as the next two weeks — as not a few observers have predicted — in the form of a gross financial dislocation. The ongoing mysterious action in the “re-po” markets suggests that some kind of black hole has gaped open in the banking cosmos and is sucking literally hundreds of billions of dollars into an alternative universe. Guess we’ll have to stand by on that. The shale oil orgy is probably peaking, and the after-effects of that will be pretty harsh, but it might take a couple more years to play out. The weak leg of the stool these days seems to be our politics, the dangerous deformities of which I set forth in this blog regularly. (Some readers object to hearing about it, of course, for reasons I must regard as  peevish and specious.) Most likely, the shocks will come in combinations from banking, from the rest of the actual economy, and from these deadly “gotcha” politics.

You can see the humble beginnings of change around here, or at least an end to some of the practices and behaviors I’ve described above. The K-Mart shut down last March. It left the town without a general merchandise store — besides the Dollar Store, which sells stuff that fell off a truck somewhere in China. But the chain stores will have to go down if we’re ever going to rebuild networks of local and regional commerce and bring Main Street back to life. And you must be aware that chain stores are going down by the thousands all around the country, the so-called retail apocalypse. These things have to die for a new economic ecosystem to emerge, and it looks like the process is underway. I hope the fast food joints are next. At least we’re getting a new independent bistro in town.

The landscape around here is composed of tender hills and little hollows that precede the Green Mountains of Vermont, ten miles down the pike. Apart from its stunning beauty, it’s not bad farmland, either, and the rugged topography lends itself to small scale farming which is a good thing because that’s the coming trend. I maintain that farming will eventually become the center of the next economy here as life in the USA is compelled to downsize and re-localize. We could make a few things again, too, because a river runs through town with many hydro sites — waterfalls where small factories once stood — and that river leads to the mighty Hudson four miles downstream. The Hudson can take you around the world or deep into the interior of North America via the Erie and Champlain canals that run off the Hudson.

For the moment though, the country faces that set of convulsions I call the long emergency, with politics at center stage just now. The locals, myself included, have strung up the colored lights and set out the effigies of Santa and his reindeer. I love Christmas, the trappings, the music, and the sense that we’re obliged to bring some enchantment into our lives when the days are shortest and darkest. I doubt we can Make America Great Again in the Trump sense, but we can reanimate our nation’s life, and re-enchant our daily doings in it, and learn to care about a few things again.


Tyler Durden

Mon, 12/23/2019 – 14:15

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/375Lxt8 Tyler Durden

Why Is the Chief Justice of Ohio’s Supreme Court Lobbying Against Sentencing Reforms?

Ohio lawmakers trying to pass sentencing reforms have faced opposition this year from the usual suspects, such as lobbyists for prosecutors and law enforcement. But they’ve also run into vocal criticism from an unexpected source: Ohio Supreme Court Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor.

It is unusual—and it may damage the objectivity and independence of the court system—for sitting Supreme Court justices to lobby for or against legislation. But that hasn’t stopped O’Connor from jumping into the middle of the legislature’s deliberations over a pair of criminal justice reform proposals. In newspaper op-eds, public appearances, and letters to members of the state Senate, O’Connor, who happens to be a former prosecutor and lobbyist, has repeatedly argued against a bill that would downgrade some felony drug possession charges to misdemeanor offenses.

O’Connor, of course, has a First Amendment right to speak about legislation and to criticize the legislative process if she wants. But she seems to recognize the unusual nature of her advocacy.

“You may think it unprecedented to receive a letter from me, as Chief Justice, that addresses my concerns about [Senate Bill 3],” O’Connor wrote in a December 3 missive to state legislators, a copy of which was obtained by Reason. But, she adds, it is “my duty” to speak out about issues that “affect the administration of criminal justice and the operation of Ohio’s courts.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sen. John Eklund (R–Munson), the sponsor of the bill in question and one of the recipients of O’Connor’s letter, agrees that it’s unusual to get a letter from a sitting Supreme Court justice advocating against a specific piece of legislation.

Eklund’s bill is one of two major criminal justice reform measures that have been jockeying for legislators’ support in Columbus this year. He says says it’s rooted in the idea that people deserve a chance to prove they can learn from past mistakes.

“We want people to get better and move on to lead productive lives, while also ensuring that traffickers are arrested and stay behind bars,” he explains.

One way Eklund’s bill would do that is by reclassifying low-level drug possession crimes, which are now charged as felonies in Ohio, as misdemeanors. That would give some individuals convicted of those nonviolent offenses the opportunity to seek treatment rather than being incarcerated, and it would not limit future job prospects in the same way a felony conviction does.

At the same time that she’s been lobbying against Senate Bill 3, O’Connor has been pushing the legislature to approve the other criminal justice bill it was considering this year: House Bill 1. In her December 3 letter, O’Connor highlights the House bill’s support from law enforcement groups—she specifically name-checks the Ohio Prosecuting Attorneys Association—as a reason to prefer it to the Senate proposal.

The House bill also seeks to shunt some drug offenders into treatment programs, but it does not reclassify some drug felonies as misdemeanors. O’Connor and others claim that the cudgel of a felony charge is necessary to get offenders into treatment.

“Downgrading the underlying offenses will only reduce one of these incentives and the likelihood of a lasting recovery,” the chief justice wrote in a September 19 letter to Eklund.

There’s no law or rule that says judges can’t lobby for legislation. Indeed, Jonas Anderson, a professor of law at American University who has written about judicial ethics and lobbying, points out that there are times when judicial input can offer important information to legislators, particularly when they can provide technical information about the workings or needs of the justice system.

But judges should be careful about crossing the line into pushing or opposing specific policies, he adds.

“We think of the judicial system as a place where you can get a decision about a dispute that’s free from political considerations,” says Anderson.

In lobbying against Senate Bill 3, O’Connor has indeed made some technical arguments about how the court system would operate under the new sentencing guidelines proposed by the law. But her objections are overwhelmingly directed at the underlying policy.

In that September 19 letter to Eklund, for example, O’Connor spends two pages arguing that 81 percent of Ohioans sentenced to prison for low-level drug offenses last year had prior criminal convictions and therefore would not be eligible for the treatment programs Eklund is proposing to use as an alternative to jail time. (Of course that means 19 percent of those offenders—more than 300 people, by O’Connor’s own count—would stand to benefit.)

That argument, like the one she makes about what steps are necessary to get drug offenders into treatment programs, are not dispassionate analyses of the workings of the judicial system—such as, for example, informing lawmakers about how a policy change might affect judges’ workloads. Instead, they are fundamentally prescriptive arguments rooted in policy preferences.

O’Connor has a long history in Ohio politics, both behind the bench and as a lobbyist. It’s that career that might best explain her involvement in the debate over sentencing reform.

Before becoming the first female chief justice in the state’s history, O’Connor was a magistrate and then a judge for the state’s Court of Common Pleas. She resigned from the bench in 1993 to become a prosecutor in Summit County. There, according to her official state Supreme Court bio, she “aggressively prosecuted repeat offenders, violent criminals, and public officials who committed ethical violations or improprieties, and lobbied the General Assembly for tougher laws on rape and gang-related offences.” She won accolades from Mothers Against Drunk Driving and other victims’ rights groups that advocate for harsher penalties within the criminal justice system. From there, she was elected as lieutenant governor in 1998.

O’Connor returned to judicial work in 2003 after being elected to the state Supreme Court the previous year. She was elected as the court’s chief justice in 2010, and re-elected to a second term in that position in 2016. O’Connor, who is 68, will be forced to retire when her current term expires in 2022 under Ohio’s law prohibiting judges from running for re-election if they are over 70.

After a career defined by criss-crossing the dividing lines between branches of government—and by advocating for tougher criminal justice legislation both from inside the executive branch and as an outside lobbyist—O’Connor apparently thinks it appropriate to tell state lawmakers what to do. Indeed, this is not the first time she’s tried to stamp out sentencing reforms. In 2018, she penned op-eds telling voters to oppose a ballot measure that would have reduced drug possession penalties in order to keep low-level nonviolent offenders out of the prison system. Passage of the measure would be “catastrophic” for Ohio, she wrote. Not exactly the sort of dispassionate analysis one would hope to read from the head of the state’s highest court.

Voters listened, and they defeated that proposal at the ballot box last year.

As 2019 drew to a close, O’Connor has amplified her opposition to SB 3. Two weeks ago, she authored an op-ed arguing that transforming some drug possession felonies into misdemeanors “would be a serious mistake.” She has used speaking appearances at legal forums to litigate her opposition to the sentencing reforms included in SB 3.

Despite a flurry of legislative activity in December, state lawmakers ultimately punted consideration of SB 3 until next year.

By using her authority as the state’s top jurist to parrot talking points from prosecutors and law enforcement lobbyists, O’Connor may yet succeed in stomping criminal justice reform efforts, but she also undermines her own credibility and that of the state’s court system. The legitimacy of the judiciary survives largely because the system is perceived to be separate from the political machinations that go on within a legislature. O’Connor’s willingness to use her judicial position to help shape policy should make Ohioans wonder about her ability to be an objective arbiter.

“Judges shouldn’t be muzzled,” says Anderson, “but lobbying as a judge—not as an individual, but as a judge—risks the independence and objectivity of the judicial branch.”

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Why Is the Chief Justice of Ohio’s Supreme Court Lobbying Against Sentencing Reforms?

Ohio lawmakers trying to pass sentencing reforms have faced opposition this year from the usual suspects, such as lobbyists for prosecutors and law enforcement. But they’ve also run into vocal criticism from an unexpected source: Ohio Supreme Court Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor.

It is unusual—and it may damage the objectivity and independence of the court system—for sitting Supreme Court justices to lobby for or against legislation. But that hasn’t stopped O’Connor from jumping into the middle of the legislature’s deliberations over a pair of criminal justice reform proposals. In newspaper op-eds, public appearances, and letters to members of the state Senate, O’Connor, who happens to be a former prosecutor and lobbyist, has repeatedly argued against a bill that would downgrade some felony drug possession charges to misdemeanor offenses.

O’Connor, of course, has a First Amendment right to speak about legislation and to criticize the legislative process if she wants. But she seems to recognize the unusual nature of her advocacy.

“You may think it unprecedented to receive a letter from me, as Chief Justice, that addresses my concerns about [Senate Bill 3],” O’Connor wrote in a December 3 missive to state legislators, a copy of which was obtained by Reason. But, she adds, it is “my duty” to speak out about issues that “affect the administration of criminal justice and the operation of Ohio’s courts.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sen. John Eklund (R–Munson), the sponsor of the bill in question and one of the recipients of O’Connor’s letter, agrees that it’s unusual to get a letter from a sitting Supreme Court justice advocating against a specific piece of legislation.

Eklund’s bill is one of two major criminal justice reform measures that have been jockeying for legislators’ support in Columbus this year. He says says it’s rooted in the idea that people deserve a chance to prove they can learn from past mistakes.

“We want people to get better and move on to lead productive lives, while also ensuring that traffickers are arrested and stay behind bars,” he explains.

One way Eklund’s bill would do that is by reclassifying low-level drug possession crimes, which are now charged as felonies in Ohio, as misdemeanors. That would give some individuals convicted of those nonviolent offenses the opportunity to seek treatment rather than being incarcerated, and it would not limit future job prospects in the same way a felony conviction does.

At the same time that she’s been lobbying against Senate Bill 3, O’Connor has been pushing the legislature to approve the other criminal justice bill it was considering this year: House Bill 1. In her December 3 letter, O’Connor highlights the House bill’s support from law enforcement groups—she specifically name-checks the Ohio Prosecuting Attorneys Association—as a reason to prefer it to the Senate proposal.

The House bill also seeks to shunt some drug offenders into treatment programs, but it does not reclassify some drug felonies as misdemeanors. O’Connor and others claim that the cudgel of a felony charge is necessary to get offenders into treatment.

“Downgrading the underlying offenses will only reduce one of these incentives and the likelihood of a lasting recovery,” the chief justice wrote in a September 19 letter to Eklund.

There’s no law or rule that says judges can’t lobby for legislation. Indeed, Jonas Anderson, a professor of law at American University who has written about judicial ethics and lobbying, points out that there are times when judicial input can offer important information to legislators, particularly when they can provide technical information about the workings or needs of the justice system.

But judges should be careful about crossing the line into pushing or opposing specific policies, he adds.

“We think of the judicial system as a place where you can get a decision about a dispute that’s free from political considerations,” says Anderson.

In lobbying against Senate Bill 3, O’Connor has indeed made some technical arguments about how the court system would operate under the new sentencing guidelines proposed by the law. But her objections are overwhelmingly directed at the underlying policy.

In that September 19 letter to Eklund, for example, O’Connor spends two pages arguing that 81 percent of Ohioans sentenced to prison for low-level drug offenses last year had prior criminal convictions and therefore would not be eligible for the treatment programs Eklund is proposing to use as an alternative to jail time. (Of course that means 19 percent of those offenders—more than 300 people, by O’Connor’s own count—would stand to benefit.)

That argument, like the one she makes about what steps are necessary to get drug offenders into treatment programs, are not dispassionate analyses of the workings of the judicial system—such as, for example, informing lawmakers about how a policy change might affect judges’ workloads. Instead, they are fundamentally prescriptive arguments rooted in policy preferences.

O’Connor has a long history in Ohio politics, both behind the bench and as a lobbyist. It’s that career that might best explain her involvement in the debate over sentencing reform.

Before becoming the first female chief justice in the state’s history, O’Connor was a magistrate and then a judge for the state’s Court of Common Pleas. She resigned from the bench in 1993 to become a prosecutor in Summit County. There, according to her official state Supreme Court bio, she “aggressively prosecuted repeat offenders, violent criminals, and public officials who committed ethical violations or improprieties, and lobbied the General Assembly for tougher laws on rape and gang-related offences.” She won accolades from Mothers Against Drunk Driving and other victims’ rights groups that advocate for harsher penalties within the criminal justice system. From there, she was elected as lieutenant governor in 1998.

O’Connor returned to judicial work in 2003 after being elected to the state Supreme Court the previous year. She was elected as the court’s chief justice in 2010, and re-elected to a second term in that position in 2016. O’Connor, who is 68, will be forced to retire when her current term expires in 2022 under Ohio’s law prohibiting judges from running for re-election if they are over 70.

After a career defined by criss-crossing the dividing lines between branches of government—and by advocating for tougher criminal justice legislation both from inside the executive branch and as an outside lobbyist—O’Connor apparently thinks it appropriate to tell state lawmakers what to do. Indeed, this is not the first time she’s tried to stamp out sentencing reforms. In 2018, she penned op-eds telling voters to oppose a ballot measure that would have reduced drug possession penalties in order to keep low-level nonviolent offenders out of the prison system. Passage of the measure would be “catastrophic” for Ohio, she wrote. Not exactly the sort of dispassionate analysis one would hope to read from the head of the state’s highest court.

Voters listened, and they defeated that proposal at the ballot box last year.

As 2019 drew to a close, O’Connor has amplified her opposition to SB 3. Two weeks ago, she authored an op-ed arguing that transforming some drug possession felonies into misdemeanors “would be a serious mistake.” She has used speaking appearances at legal forums to litigate her opposition to the sentencing reforms included in SB 3.

Despite a flurry of legislative activity in December, state lawmakers ultimately punted consideration of SB 3 until next year.

By using her authority as the state’s top jurist to parrot talking points from prosecutors and law enforcement lobbyists, O’Connor may yet succeed in stomping criminal justice reform efforts, but she also undermines her own credibility and that of the state’s court system. The legitimacy of the judiciary survives largely because the system is perceived to be separate from the political machinations that go on within a legislature. O’Connor’s willingness to use her judicial position to help shape policy should make Ohioans wonder about her ability to be an objective arbiter.

“Judges shouldn’t be muzzled,” says Anderson, “but lobbying as a judge—not as an individual, but as a judge—risks the independence and objectivity of the judicial branch.”

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/35MtUhX
via IFTTT

After Haftar Seizes Turkish Vessel, Erdogan Deepens Military Role In Libya, Angering Russia

After Haftar Seizes Turkish Vessel, Erdogan Deepens Military Role In Libya, Angering Russia

As we predicted the Libyan war 2.0 has spilled into the Mediterranean and now standings on the brink of becoming a major renewed international proxy conflict bringing in regional powers, especially Turkey, Egypt, and potentially Russia. 

The pro-Haftar Libyan National Army (LNA), based in the war-torn country’s east, announced late Saturday it seized a Turkish vessel and briefly detained several Turkish crew members while the freighter was searched for weapons. “A vessel under the flag of Grenada, with a team of Turkish citizens on board, was detained,” the LNA press service said. It was seized “because it entered Libya’s territorial waters without prior permission,” the LNA spokesman added.

As of early Monday, the ship and its crew were released, according to the AP, amid soaring tensions over a controversial maritime border deal involving Tripoli and Ankara, which both gives Turkey oil and gas exploration rights in waters claimed by Haftar’s Benghazi-based administration, and expands military cooperation between Erdogan and the Tripoli GNA government. 

Via the AFP: The Turkish ship, registered in Grenada, was taken to the port of Ras Al-Helal near the eastern city of Derna.

It’s not the first time the rebel LNA has seized Turkish vessels and their crew and it likely won’t be the last, given Haftar has attempted to enforce a No Fly Zone and has long vowed to seize any Turkish vessels off the coast, given Turkey is militarily backing the UN-recognized government in Tripoli. 

Turkey’s leaders suggest Ankara is currently upping its support to the GNA, sending military planes with troops and armor amid Haftar’s offensive against the capital. Undoubtedly, Turkey has been the most aggressive backer of Tripoli, offering military equipment and even air power, while the UAE has provided most weaponry for Haftar’s army, also with assistance Egypt, Saudia Arabia and even Russia (namely, via mercenaries allegedly with the Wagner group). 

On Saturday Turkish parliament formally ratified the security and military cooperation deal with Tripoli.

Via TRT World: “Turkey’s deal with Libya’s UN-recognised government in Tripoli is a signal to other Mediterranean states that Ankara can block their gas routes.”

According to Al Jazeera, this has raised eyebrows in Moscow, which is among a growing chorus of countries condemning Turkey’s deeper intervention in the conflict

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said Turkey could deploy troops to Libya in support of the GNA but no request has yet been made. He said on Friday that Turkey could not remain silent over Russian-backed mercenaries backing Haftar’s forces

Russia, meanwhile, said it was very concerned about the possibility of Turkey deploying troops in Libya and that the security deal raised many questions for Moscow. 

Erdogan will discuss Ankara’s potential troop deployment to Libya with Russian President Vladimir Putin during talks in Turkey next month, the Kremlin said on Tuesday. 

Meanwhile, while Washington officially recognizes the GNA, the Trump administration has for months verbalized support for Haftar, long seen as the ‘CIA’s man in Libya’. “Haftar is nothing but a pirate,” Erdogan said earlier this year after six Turkish sailors were briefly detained by pro-Haftar forces.

And this latest weekend Turkish freighter incident will likely only increase the Turkish military presence, also as Turkey could be set to explore Libyan waters as part of the recent oil and gas deal with the GNA.

Last week reports in regional media said Turkey is set to establish a military base in Libya, which includes a special “quick reaction force” which can deploy rapidly if requested by the Libyan government.

Turkish troops are reportedly being readies for a broader Libya deployment, via the AP.

Addressing the controversial deal in statements made last week President Erdogan told a pro-government news channel“We will be defending the rights of Libya and Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean.” This after unconfirmed reports in Arabic media that Turkish special forces have already landed in Tripoli. 

And crucially for the prospect of a broader war, neighboring Egypt has condemned the Turkey-Tripoli GNA deal as “illegitimate” and has even signaled its own military intervention could come.

Turkey’s Erdogan and the LNA’s Gen. Haftar file image.

Last Tuesday Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi warned in the wake of the Turkey-Libya agreement, “We will not allow anyone to control Libya… it is a matter of Egyptian national security.”

So there it is: a multi-party conflict is emerging as Benghazi and Tripoli continue their years-long battle for the spoils of post-Gaddafi Libya supposedly “liberated” by NATO in 2011. This pits Egypt against Turkey, and Turkey against Russia — not to mention Greece against Turkey and Haftar, as Athens is already seeking to block Turkish oil and gas vessels from encroaching in southern Mediterranean waters. 


Tyler Durden

Mon, 12/23/2019 – 13:55

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/34P4G1b Tyler Durden